The Convergence of Civilizations

The Convergence of Civilizations: Constructing a Mediterranean Region

Emanuel Adler
Federica Bicchi
Beverly Crawford
Raffaella A. Del Sarto
Copyright Date: 2006
Pages: 352
https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.3138/j.ctt1287sbr
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  • Book Info
    The Convergence of Civilizations
    Book Description:

    The Convergence of Civilizationswill be an important tool for meeting the current global challenges being faced by nation-states as well as those in the future.

    eISBN: 978-1-4426-2112-1
    Subjects: Political Science

Table of Contents

  1. Front Matter
    (pp. i-iv)
  2. Table of Contents
    (pp. v-vi)
  3. Acknowledgments
    (pp. vii-viii)
  4. PART ONE: THE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
    • 1 Normative Power: The European Practice of Region-Building and the Case of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership
      (pp. 3-48)
      EMANUEL ADLER and BEVERLY CRAWFORD

      This volume seeks to achieve two related goals. First, it lays out a normative approach to the study of power in international relations (IR), in particular, to the study of regional security and peace. This approach emphasizes the role of cooperative security practices, region-building, and pluralistic integration in order to achieve peaceful change. We ground this approach in ‘new regionalism’ theories that highlight the crucial importance of identity for understanding security (Williams 1998) and in the literature on ‘security communities’ (Deutsch et al. 1957). Security communities are ‘transnational regions comprised of sovereign states whose people maintain dependable expectations of peaceful...

  5. PART TWO: LOGIC AND MODELS OF REGION-BUILDING IN THE MEDITERRANEAN
    • 2 Mare Nostrum? The Sources, Logic, and Dilemmas of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership
      (pp. 51-82)
      ETEL SOLINGEN and SABA ŞENSES OZYURT

      International relations is the least expected area for effective organizations, binding rules, and shared norms to emerge in an anarchical environment, according to the neo-realist paradigm. Other schools of thought, including neo-liberal institutionalism and constructivism, have stressed the relevance of international organizations such as NATO and the European Union to international cooperation. In particular, the EU is moving toward a more integrated Europe by consolidating supranational institutions and by accepting new members, especially from central and eastern Europe, through accession agreements. The Union is also re-evaluating and redefining its relations with other neighbouring countries through bilateral and multilateral agreements. Prominent...

    • 3 A Political Agenda for Region-Building? The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership and Democracy Promotion in North Africa
      (pp. 83-108)
      RICHARD GILLESPIE

      A Mediterranean security community is unlikely to develop through Euro-Mediterranean initiatives specifically at the security level. The first ‘basket’ of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP), embodying plans to establish a political and security partnership, has lacked concrete achievements, although a multilateral dialogue has been maintained since 1995. Even via more limited sub-regional overtures restricted to the western Mediterranean, a security community seems an unlikely prospect at the present time, with the Western Sahara conflict – pitting Morocco against Algeria – continuing to crystallize many of the obstacles (Gillespie 2004). The most tangible developments within the EMP so far have taken place within its...

    • 4 The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership and Sub-Regionalism: A Case of Region-Building?
      (pp. 109-134)
      STEPHEN C. CALLEYA

      The latter part of the twentieth century saw a resurgence of regional dynamics in international relations. The process of decolonization, coupled with the end of the Cold War, created an environment that was conducive to an increase in regional patterns of interaction. As a result, regionalism again became a major characteristic of the international system (Calleya 2000, x–xvii).

      The growth of regional arrangements since the end of the Cold War is partly due to the fact that great powers and regional powers have welcomed the opportunity to participate in collective security and cooperative frameworks in which the costs of...

  6. PART THREE: INSTRUMENTS AND PRACTICES OF REGION-BUILDING
    • 5 The European Origins of Euro-Mediterranean Practices
      (pp. 137-167)
      FEDERICA BICCHI

      The debate about the European Union’s promotion of values has recently acquired new momentum. Scholars have long aimed primarily at demonstrating the existence of a European foreign policy, with only a minority of contributions focusing on its nature (Duchêne 1973; Bull 1982). Recently, the latter perspective has been enriched by more authors joining the debate (e.g., Hill 1990; Whitman 1998; Manners and Whitman 1998; Smith 2000, 2003; Manners 2002). Authors have explored the specificity of the EU’s identity, often referred to as a ‘civilian power’ or, recently, as a ‘normative power’ (Manners 2002). Some authors have analysed how the EU...

    • 6 Political Securitization and Democratization in the Maghreb: Ambiguous Discourses and Fine-Tuning Practices for a Security Partnership
      (pp. 168-190)
      SAID HADDADI

      The bread riots that spread across the Maghreb countries by the mid-1980s, as an economic consequence of droughts, restructuring programs of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the oil crisis, and that culminated in the October 1988 riots in Algeria raised serious concerns in Europe about security and stability in neighbouring North Africa. These concerns were fuelled by the ascent of political Islam and the subsequent outbreak of internecine violence in 1992 and its continuation for almost a decade in Algeria. This situation triggered recurrent speculation about a ‘domino effect’ that would spread Islamist violence to next-door Morocco and Tunisia,...

    • 7 Economic Liberalism between Theory and Practice
      (pp. 191-211)
      ALFRED TOVIAS

      As is well documented, it is because of the poor record of Maghreb and Mashreq countries, combined with demographic trends and the economic imbalances between the southern and northern shores of the Mediterranean, that the European Commission, pushed by its southern European members, who were highly concerned, decided to launch a new initiative in late 1994. Known as the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP), it was formally inaugurated in Barcelona in late November 1995. Note that it was a European initiative, not one by the Mediterranean non-member countries (MNMCs). In the back of their minds, European policy-makers, mainly from southern Europe, were...

    • 8 Practices and Their Failures: Arab-Israeli Relations and the Barcelona Process
      (pp. 212-236)
      JOEL PETERS

      In November 1995 in Barcelona the European Union launched the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership, or ‘Barcelona process,’ with the aim of redefining its relations with the Mediterranean states on its southern periphery and of developing a new framework for peaceful and cooperative relations in the Mediterranean region. While the Barcelona process built on the various Mediterranean policies developed by the EU since the 1960s, it at the same time marked a radical departure from those policies in that it sought to create a more integrated set of relationships than those engendered simply by the bilateral customs agreements and financial protocols of the...

  7. PART FOUR: CULTURE AND IDENTITIES
    • 9 The Building of Regional Security Partnership and the Security-Culture Divide in the Mediterranean Region
      (pp. 239-265)
      FULVIO ATTINÀ

      According to many political scientists, the Mediterranean area is less a region and more a geographical place characterized by fragmented dynamics, huge problems, and strong identities in the sub-areas of interaction into which it is divided. Disbelief in the Mediterranean area as a political region made the debate on the nature of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) and the future of relations between European and North African societies and states a rather limited exercise. However, two main interpretations can be distinguished in the present stage of this debate: the hegemony/domination and socialization/inclusion interpretations. In the former, the Barcelona process was launched...

    • 10 Turkey: Between East and West
      (pp. 266-295)
      METİN HEPER

      I spent the 1986–7 academic year at the University of Manchester, in the United Kingdom, as a research fellow. On one occasion I asked a faculty member there who taught Middle Eastern politics what kind of material on Turkey he used in his course. The response I received was ‘Well, in my course we don’t cover Turkey. After all, Turkey is not really a Middle Eastern country.’ A few days later I directed the same question to another colleague, who offered a course on European politics. I again received a ‘not really’ answer.

      The fact that Turkey is construed...

    • 11 Region-Building, European Union Normative Power, and Contested Identities: The Case of Israel
      (pp. 296-334)
      RAFFAELLA A. DEL SARTO

      The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) represents the European Union’s attempts to address security problems in its southern periphery by means of a region-building approach. Based on a rationale that somewhat suggests the EU’s own experience and history (Bicchi, this volume), the EMP seeks to foster stability, prosperity, and peace in the Euro-Mediterranean area through increased regional cooperation, free trade, and institutionalized dialogue. The promotion of common interests, values, and a shared regional identification has been a constitutive element of the region-building initiative.¹ While these allegedly common values and interests have been attached to a rather hybrid Mediterranean theme, the EMP’s principles...

  8. PART FIVE: CONCLUSIONS
    • 12 The EuroMed beyond Civilizational Paradigms
      (pp. 337-378)
      KALYPSO NICOLAÏDIS and DIMITRI NICOLAÏDIS

      Pas tout à fait la même, pas tout à fait une autre. The Mediterranean is both Europe’s mirror and its extension, too close to ignore, too far to embrace. It is the cradle of its ‘civilization’ and its demographic future, yet also today’s poor southern neighbour and the source of its discontents. It is one with it and yet the Other – Arab, Muslim – at its doorstep. The Mediterranean is a space of shared histories and shared presents of intense mingling and intense conflict. For some, it is a beautiful idea; for others, a very bad headache. Politically and institutionally, it...

  9. Contributors
    (pp. 379-380)
  10. Index
    (pp. 381-394)