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Mykhailo Hrushevsky Pol National

Mykhailo Hrushevsky Pol National

THOMAS M. PRYMAK
Copyright Date: 1987
https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.3138/j.ctt2tv55q
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    Mykhailo Hrushevsky Pol National
    Book Description:

    Historian, educator, and author Mykola Kostomarov was a leading figure in the Ukrainian national awakening of the nineteenth century, and played an important role in the cultural life of Russia as well. As an ethnographer, he sought to uncover the `mysterious soul? of the Ukrainian people, and his poetry contributed to the development of a Ukrainian literary language. An outspoken proponent of social and national emancipation, he was imprisoned and exiled for his role in the Cyril-Methodian Brotherhood, which worked towards a Ukrainian national renaissance and a pan-Slavic federalism. In Russia, he led the `populist? school, which shifted the focus of history away from the realm of tsars and princes, and argued the centrality of `the people? to their own story.

    This first English-language biography of Kostomarov - and first large-scale study of the subject in any language - offers a compelling account of his original and controversial scholarship, and his role in the cultural politics of his day. Prymak brings to light a legacy long buried by the censoring mechanisms of both Tsarist Russia and the Soviet Empire. Claimed by both Ukraine and Russia as a major historian, Kostomarov?s biography provides insight into the complex question of inter-ethnic and international relations in Eastern Europe and in the former Russian and Soviet empires.

    eISBN: 978-1-4426-7748-7
    Subjects: History

Table of Contents

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  1. Front Matter
    (pp. i-vi)
  2. Table of Contents
    (pp. vii-viii)
  3. Acknowledgments
    (pp. ix-ix)
    THOMAS M. PRYMAK
  4. Abbreviations
    (pp. x-x)
  5. ILLUSTRATIONS
    (pp. xi-2)
  6. Introduction
    (pp. 3-10)

    Mykhailo Hrushevsky (1866–1934) is one of the better-known Ukrainian figures of modern times. He was the greatest of Ukrainian historians, the organizer of an unofficial Ukrainian Academy of Sciences in Austrian Galicia, the most celebrated spokesman for federalism in the pre-revolutionary Russian Empire, the first president of the modern Ukrainian state (1917–18), and the single most important cultural figure in the early days of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic.

    In spite of Hrushevsky’s enormous importance in the history of modern Ukraine, and, indeed, of Russia and all Eastern Europe, controversy, propaganda, and legend have surrounded his person and...

  7. 1 Youth and Education 1866–1894
    (pp. 11-28)

    Mykhailo Serhiiovych Hrushevsky was born into a family that came from the class of married clergy permitted by the Eastern Orthodox Church. In a briefAutobiographyHrushevsky relates that by the eighteenth century his family was settled in the Chyhyryn district of the Kiev region in central Ukraine.¹ His father, Serhii Fedorovych Hrushevsky (1833–1901), had gained renown as a scholar of slavistics and was the author of an official textbook of Church Slavonic that came to be widely used throughout the Russian Empire. Serhii spent most of his life, however, as a schoolteacher and administrator in some of the...

  8. 2 The Young Professor 1894–1897
    (pp. 29-44)

    It was only with the greatest difficulty that the Galician Ukrainians had obtained a minimum of concessions from the Poles who ruled the province. In Vienna, where the Poles also had considerable influence, there were similar problems with the confirmation of these concessions from the imperial government. The Austrian minister of education, Baron Paul von Gautsch, objected to the Ukrainian claims to a chair of history, declaring that ‘Ruthenian history is not real scholarship.’ Therefore, the new position was established with the euphemistic title ‘The Second Chair of Universal History with special reference to the History of Eastern Europe.’¹ Similarly,...

  9. 3 Galician Piedmont 1897–1905
    (pp. 45-69)

    Scholarly collaboration between Hrushevsky and Franko had a stimulating effect upon both men. Franko had long studied the literatures of Western Europe and had also experienced ‘modern’ political life at first hand; there is little doubt that he was happy to share his knowledge and experience with Hrushevsky, who, though some ten years his junior, was probably one of the few intellects among the Galician Ukrainians who could match the brilliant writer. Hrushevsky was also quite impressed by Franko.¹

    On the other hand, the presence in Galicia of the vigorous young historian was bound to have some kind of influence...

  10. 4 The Shift Back to Kiev 1905–1914
    (pp. 70-92)

    During the autumn of 1904 and the first months of 1905, the imperial Russian bureaucracy began to crumble under the weight of the unsuccessful war against Japan and growing civil disobedience. There were strikes in the cities and peasant uprisings in the countryside. The liberal opposition movement, organized into a ‘Union of Liberation,’ became more and more vociferous in its demands for civil liberties, for a constitution that would ensure the rule of law, and for a government responsible to the population as a whole. As the government hesitated between concessions and repressions, a period of uncertain but relatively open...

  11. 5 The Shift Continues 1905–1917
    (pp. 93-124)

    In spite of the repeated attacks of the Russian monarchist press, Hrushevsky continued to cross the border into Austrian Galicia and divide his time as equally as possible between Kiev and Lviv. In Galicia itself, the problems of Polish political predominance continued. For example, the struggle for a Ukrainian university remained one focal point of the professor’s attention, and in 1907, in the wake of renewed and increasingly violent clashes between Polish and Ukrainian students, he composed his second memorandum to the minister of education, renewing the demand for a Ukrainian university and offering the help of the NTSh in...

  12. 6 The Struggle for a Ukrainian State 1917–1918
    (pp. 125-151)

    During the last days of February 1917, troops of the Petrograd garrison, and, in particular, members of the Volhynia training regiment, which consisted largely of raw Ukrainian recruits, refused to shoot at the crowds of workers and women who had for some days filled the streets of the Russian capital demanding ‘bread and freedom.’ The rebels were soon joined by other regiments, and it was not long before police officials and the tsar’s ministers were hiding in fear of the revolutionary mobs. Power devolved to the streets, to a spontaneously formed worker and soldier council or ‘soviet’ in which labour...

  13. 7 The Ukrainian People’s Republic 1918
    (pp. 152-179)

    In the last days of the Provisional Government, at a time when official Petrograd hummed with rumours of Ukrainian Germanophilism, Hrushevsky spared no effort to reassure the representatives of the Western Allies that the Ukrainian émigré organizations in central Europe did not represent the Ukrainian people as a whole and that the Central Rada was committed to the same goals as the Western democratic states.¹ With the Bolshevik coup and the proclamation of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, Western military and diplomatic representatives – the French in particular – hoped that the Ukrainians would continue the war against Germany. The French General Tabouis...

  14. 8 The Liberation Struggle at Home and Abroad 1918–1924
    (pp. 180-207)

    The coup of General Pavlo Skoropadsky met with very little resistance. Colonel Arkas of the Rada’s cavalry guard and Colonel Slyvinsky of the General Staff deserted to the new Hetman. Some of the Sich Riflemen put up a brief resistance around the Central Rada building, but soon retreated to their barracks while negotiations with the Hetman’s representatives began.¹

    While the Hetman consolidated his rule, the Hrushevsky family accompanied the Sich Riflemen to their barracks. Though there was very little fighting and the general population greeted the coup calmly, the retreat of the President of the Ukrainian People’s Republic did not...

  15. 9 The All–Ukrainian Academy of Sciences (VUAN) 1924–1927
    (pp. 208-226)

    Hrushevsky’s return to Ukraine was immediately condemned by many in the emigration. Shapoval, in particular, disliked the thought of accepting any kind of amnesty from the Soviets, and believed that Hrushevsky’s action reflected his lack of political will, his basic dishonesty, and a betrayal of his ‘political testament’ of 1918. Sociological analysis had shown Shapoval that the Russians still ruled Ukraine, and thus, despite the new government programs, the ‘Muscovite occupation’ was still intact. He concluded with emphasis: ‘Talk about amnesty should not be directed toward us, but rather toward the occupiers.Our people has not given the occupiers an...

  16. 10 The Party Attacks 1928–1930
    (pp. 227-246)

    In December 1927, at the Fifteenth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, a two-pronged program of collectivization and rapid industrialization was adopted. At first, the pace of collectivization was not forced. But in the next few years, as the party’s general secretary, Joseph Stalin, outmanoeuvred his political rivals, collectivization gained momentum and a social revolution of unprecedented magnitude took place. Scholars all over the Soviet Union were certain to be affected.

    At the beginning of 1928, the Moscow Politburo specifically took up the matter of higher education and the reorganization of the Russian Academy of Sciences.¹ As...

  17. 11 Last Years and Death 1931–1934
    (pp. 247-262)

    Between 1928 and 1931, Hrushevsky was often the target of criticism at historical conferences and in the press. He was accused of standing to the side of the program of socialist construction and of being the main Ukrainian opponent of Marxist historical science. His work was labeled ‘petty bourgeois’ and his Historical Institutions were dissolved. The beginning of 1931 saw the arrest of many historians throughout the Soviet Union, and, given the past criticism of Hrushevsky, there was little reason to think that he would escape unscathed. In fact, he did not.

    At an administrative meeting held during the January...

  18. Conclusion
    (pp. 263-268)

    From the time of his youth, when he first began corresponding with Nechui-Levytsky on various literary questions, to the time of his last exile in Moscow, when he penned his final contributions to Ukrainian historiography, Hrushevsky had devoted himself to the Ukrainian national cause. He was a central figure in the Ukrainian cultural flowering of the turn of the century, a teacher and an adviser to pre-revolutionary Ukrainian political representatives in Vienna and in Saint Petersburg, a national martyr during the First World War, and a symbol of national aspirations during the revolution that followed. Hrushevsky shared in the victories...

  19. APPENDIX A. The Fate of the Hrushevsky Family
    (pp. 269-270)
  20. APPENDIX B. The Fate of Hrushevsky’s School and of His Colleagues from the Ukrainian Academy (Some Examples)
    (pp. 271-273)
  21. APPENDIX C. The Hrushevsky Legend in the Soviet Union 1934 to the Present
    (pp. 274-278)
  22. Bibliography
    (pp. 279-304)
  23. Index
    (pp. 305-323)