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Friendship and Politics in Post-Revolutionary France
SARAH HOROWITZ
Copyright Date: 2013
Published by: Pennsylvania State University Press
Pages: 224
https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5325/j.ctt32b9c6
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Book Info
Friendship and Politics in Post-Revolutionary France
Book Description:

In Friendship and Politics in Post-Revolutionary France, Sarah Horowitz brings together the political and cultural history of post-revolutionary France to illuminate how French society responded to and recovered from the upheaval of the French Revolution. The Revolution led to a heightened sense of distrust and divided the nation along ideological lines. In the wake of the Terror, many began to express concerns about the atomization of French society. Friendship, though, was regarded as one bond that could restore trust and cohesion. Friends relied on each other to serve as confidantes and men and women described friendship as a site of both pleasure and connection. Because trust and cohesion were necessary to the functioning of post-revolutionary parliamentary life, politicians turned to friends and ideas about friendship to create this solidarity. Relying on detailed analyses of politicians’ social networks, new tools from arising from the digital humanities, and examinations of their behind-the-scenes political transactions, Horowitz makes clear the connection between politics and emotions in the early nineteenth century, and she reevaluates the role of women in political life by showing the ways in which the personal was the political in the post-revolutionary era.

eISBN: 978-0-271-06250-1
Subjects: History
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  1. Front Matter
    Front Matter (pp. i-iv)
  2. Table of Contents
    Table of Contents (pp. v-vi)
  3. List of Figures
    List of Figures (pp. vii-viii)
  4. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
    ACKNOWLEDGMENTS (pp. ix-xii)
  5. INTRODUCTION: FRIENDSHIP IN POST-REVOLUTIONARY FRANCE
    INTRODUCTION: FRIENDSHIP IN POST-REVOLUTIONARY FRANCE (pp. 1-20)

    In a quiet corner of Père Lachaise Cemetery stands the tomb of two men: Pierre Jean de Béranger and Jacques Antoine Manuel. Neither man is particularly well-known today but the two were famous in their time. Béranger was a songwriter who was known as “the national poet” in the early nineteenth century; he was also a hero of the left during the Restoration and July Monarchy. Manuel, his best friend, was a member of the liberal opposition during the Restoration and one of its chief orators in the Chamber of Deputies until 1823, when he was expelled from the Chamber...

  6. 1 THE SENTIMENTAL EDUCATION OF THE POLITICAL
    1 THE SENTIMENTAL EDUCATION OF THE POLITICAL (pp. 21-40)

    The uses of affection and mobilization of personal ties to practice politics emerged in part from long-standing traditions that dated back to at least the sixteenth century. Throughout the Old Regime, ruling elites relied on social relationships to access power. Love also had a public role as the bond of the hierarchical corporate order and as an element in the language of politics. In practice, however, the nature of politics during the Old Regime imposed considerable emotional constraints. In the eighteenth century, the culture of sentimentalism came to challenge this emotional regime. Sentimentalists maintained that love was an essential element...

  7. 2 THE POLITICS OF ANOMIE
    2 THE POLITICS OF ANOMIE (pp. 41-64)

    When Joseph de Maistre coined the term “individualism” in 1820, he described the problem as being political in nature. He stated that the ideological tensions in France had led to “the profound and terrifying division of souls, this infinite division of doctrines, this political Protestantism which is pushed to the most absolute individualism.”¹ Here, de Maistre managed to get in a dig at Protestantism, with its stress on an individual’s relationship with God and the necessity of reading the Bible for oneself. Only Catholicism could hold society together. But the major problem for him was the clash of ideologies. The...

  8. 3 FRIENDS WITH BENEFITS
    3 FRIENDS WITH BENEFITS (pp. 65-90)

    So wrote François Guizot to Victor de Broglie in September 1832.¹ Although the two men were best friends, their correspondence was rarely affectionate. But in the fall of 1832, France was undergoing a political and social crisis. Cholera was ravaging the population and Casimir Périer, the man whose strong leadership had stabilized France after 1830, had died of it in May. For Broglie and Guizot—men whose fathers had both been guillotined during the Terror—the specter of political instability was always unsettling. The anxieties of the moment led Guizot to reflect on his relationship with Broglie. According to him,...

  9. 4 POST-REVOLUTIONARY SOCIAL NETWORKS
    4 POST-REVOLUTIONARY SOCIAL NETWORKS (pp. 91-110)

    If patterns of epistolary communication highlight a series of understandings about the workings of friendship, social network analysis offers another perspective. Looking at the networks of Chateaubriand, Guizot, Béranger, and some of the women to whom they were close illuminates crucial structural differences between men and women’s ties. This chapter focuses on two moments in time—the 1820s and the 1840s—to show the degree to which political affiliations shaped social ones. In the Restoration, politics had a profound effect on men’s personal ties, as factional allegiance was a force for both cohesion and division. But in the July Monarchy,...

  10. 5 THE POLITICS OF MALE FRIENDSHIP
    5 THE POLITICS OF MALE FRIENDSHIP (pp. 111-132)

    Filed among Guizot’s personal papers are letters from other prominent politicians of the July Monarchy, such as Molé and Thiers. Guizot’s relationships with these men were never easy; they were his rivals for power, and if he occasionally allied himself with one of them, he was more commonly their adversary. Unlike the letters he wrote or received from his friends, any correspondence occurred for very specific purposes, such as to obtain information or to seal an alliance. Consider, thus, an exchange from February 1836 between Thiers and Guizot, in which two master politicians navigated postrevolutionary politics using sentiment. The letters...

  11. 6 THE BONDS OF CONCORD: WOMEN AND POLITICS
    6 THE BONDS OF CONCORD: WOMEN AND POLITICS (pp. 133-153)

    Because women could not vote or hold office during the post-revolutionary political regimes, they could not serve as proxies or allies in the way that male friends could. Yet despite this, many of the women studied here performed vital functions within the political system throughout the period of parliamentary monarchy. This chapter concentrates on three of these roles: helping politicians get along with one another, ensuring that factions remained united, and forming alliances. While none of these functions was an easy task in the fractious political climate of the time, politicians of the new parliamentary system needed to find ways...

  12. EPILOGUE
    EPILOGUE (pp. 154-163)

    In establishing a social order based on individualism and in giving birth to ideological conflict, the Revolution led the citizens of early nineteenth-century France to be fearful of a lack of social cohesion. Politics was divisive, especially for men, and public life was an arena of suspicion and anomie. As a result, trust and loyalty had to be understood as coming from the private realm. Ultimately this problem made friendship central to the political culture of the early nineteenth century. Imagined as a refuge from public life, friendship could build durable bonds of affiliation and reestablish trust, both of which...

  13. APPENDIX A: BÉRANGER, CHATEAUBRIAND, GUIZOT, AND THEIR FRIENDS
    APPENDIX A: BÉRANGER, CHATEAUBRIAND, GUIZOT, AND THEIR FRIENDS (pp. 164-169)
  14. APPENDIX B: DETAILED SOCIAL NETWORKS IN THE 1820S AND 1840S
    APPENDIX B: DETAILED SOCIAL NETWORKS IN THE 1820S AND 1840S (pp. 170-174)
  15. NOTES
    NOTES (pp. 175-196)
  16. BIBLIOGRAPHY
    BIBLIOGRAPHY (pp. 197-210)
  17. INDEX
    INDEX (pp. 211-227)
  18. Back Matter
    Back Matter (pp. 228-228)
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