Citizenship and Those Who Leave

Citizenship and Those Who Leave: The Politics of Emigration and Expatriation

NANCY L. GREEN
FRANÇOIS WEIL
Copyright Date: 2007
Pages: 336
https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5406/j.ctt1xcj5n
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  • Book Info
    Citizenship and Those Who Leave
    Book Description:

    Exit, like entry, has helped define citizenship over the past two centuries, yet little attention has been given to the politics of emigration. How have countries impeded or facilitated people leaving? How have they perceived and regulated those who leave? What relations do they seek to maintain with their citizens abroad and why? Citizenship and Those Who Leave reverses the immigration perspective to examine how nations define themselves not just through entry but through exit as well. _x000B_

    eISBN: 978-0-252-09141-4
    Subjects: Sociology

Table of Contents

  1. Front Matter
    (pp. i-iv)
  2. Table of Contents
    (pp. v-viii)
  3. PREFACE
    (pp. ix-x)
    Donna R. Gabaccia and Leslie Page Moch
  4. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
    (pp. xi-xiv)
  5. INTRODUCTION
    (pp. 1-10)
    Nancy L. Green and François Weil

    Exit, like entry, has helped define citizenship over the last two centuries, yet little attention has been given to what could be called the politics of emigration. Most of the migration literature of the last few decades, as seen from the major countries of arrival, has been resolutely a literature of immigration. As immigration studies took off during the ethnic renaissance of the 1970s and 1980s, and as immigration remains front-page news, it is not surprising that most migration history is written from where we are: the countries of immigration, past and present.

    Indeed, immigration has come to be seen...

  6. PART I. FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT
    • 1 LEAVING: A COMPARATIVE VIEW
      (pp. 13-32)
      John Torpey

      In the early stages of the French Revolution, the Constitution of 1791 promulgated the norm in liberal democratic societies that citizens were to be permitted to leave their homes in pursuit of better opportunities elsewhere. Although most of us have come to take this norm for granted, its prominent place in the catalog of revolutionary freedoms signaled a major innovation. Freedom to depart was a matter of the greatest importance to vast numbers of people who confronted one or another form of restraint on their mobility, whether in France or elsewhere. Indeed, the freedom to move about internally or to...

    • 2 THE EXIT REVOLUTION
      (pp. 33-60)
      Aristide R. Zolberg

      High on the litany of grievances broadcast by the Americans in their Declaration of Independence is the king’s egregious interference with their efforts to attract settlers: “He has endeavored to prevent the Population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners, refusing to pass others to encourage their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.” On the political agenda for several decades before 1776, these complaints represented merely the tip of the iceberg. The Americans’ anger was further exacerbated by the British government’s persistent attempts to discourage or even prohibit altogether...

  7. PART II. NATION BUILDING AND THE ADMINISTRATIVE FRAMEWORK
    • 3 EMIGRATION AND NATION BUILDING DURING THE MASS MIGRATIONS FROM EUROPE
      (pp. 63-90)
      Donna R. Gabaccia, Dirk Hoerder and Adam Walaszek

      Is it possible for a country to imagine itself a “nation of emigrants” in the same way the United States has proclaimed itself a “nation of immigrants”? With as many as fifty-five million persons (a fifth of Europe’s population in 1800) leaving for North America (thirty-five million), South America (eight million), and other parts of the world between 1815 and 1939, and with a larger number moving about within Europe, mobility was a demographic fact of life during Europe’s great age of nationalism.¹ It was especially common in those newer nations that formed after the first national states—Spain, Portugal,...

    • 4 THE LIBERAL ITALIAN STATE AND MASS EMIGRATION, 1860–1914
      (pp. 91-113)
      Caroline Douki

      When emigration from the Italian peninsula became massive, an image of crowds of emigrants, abandoned to face the adversity and dangers of exile, began to appear in print, ranging from novels to polemic debates. The new liberal state was accused of grossly neglecting its migrant nationals. Whether humanist or nationalist, these writings revealed the disarray of migrants struggling to cope with the material difficulties of the trip and subjected, once abroad, to multiple forms of economic exploitation, xenophobia, and social rejection. The texts were perhaps, above all, expressions of the elites’ concern at seeing the departure of an ever-increasing number...

    • 5 THE FRENCH STATE AND TRANSOCEANIC EMIGRATION
      (pp. 114-132)
      François Weil

      In the fall of 1835, the French minister of the interior heard for the first time of an emigration movement from the borderdépartementof Basses-Pyrénées to Uruguay. He was alerted almost simultaneously by the French consul in Montevideo and the local prefect in Pau, Leroy, that “a society had been formed in order to establish a French colony in Montevideo and its agents were recruiting peasants and various kinds of artisans in [Pau].”¹ This set the state machine in motion. The interior minister immediately wrote back to demand more detailed information from the prefect, who forwarded the order to...

  8. PART III: THE COSTS OF EMIGRATION
    • 6 EMIGRATION AND THE BRITISH STATE, CA. 1815–1925
      (pp. 135-155)
      David Feldman and M. Page Baldwin

      Between the conclusion of one world war in 1815 and the start of another in 1914, approximately sixteen million people emigrated from the United Kingdom. During this extended period more migrants were recorded leaving the British Isles than any other European country.¹ The greatest part of this emigrant stream was destined for the United States; in other words, the majority of emigrants not only left the country but also settled outside the British Empire. In the 1880s and 1890s, for instance, fewer than one-third of emigrants left for destinations within the empire. Toward the end of our period, however, this...

    • 7 HOLLAND BEYOND THE BORDERS: EMIGRATION AND THE DUTCH STATE, 1850–1940
      (pp. 156-175)
      Corrie van Eijl and Leo Lucassen

      Emigration is largely considered a definitive departure of people to another state, especially to transatlantic immigration countries like the United States, Canada, Argentina, and Australia. Although we know that in reality many people only stayed temporarily,¹ the implicit assumption is that emigrants left “far away and forever” the sphere of influence of their former fatherland and would, in time, lose their original nationality. From this perspective it is hardly surprising that the relation between sending states and their emigrants has not received much attention.² Instead, migration historians have focused on the reception of emigrants, and thus on the immigration policy...

    • 8 FROM ECONOMICS TO ETHNICITY AND BACK: REFLECTIONS ON EMIGRATION CONTROL IN GERMANY, 1800–2000
      (pp. 176-192)
      Andreas Fahrmeir

      In the modern industrialized world of today, it has become difficult to imagine emigration control as a major political topic. As all industrial societies face pressing problems of unemployment in almost all professions, preventing people from going elsewhere is hardly an issue. What is an issue is how to decide who gets admission to the world’s few islands of prosperity, security, and stability. Admittedly, there are a few regions of the industrialized world where significant out-migration, particularly of the relatively young and relatively qualified, is an economic and demographic problem, Germany’s no longer quite-so-new easternLänderbeing one of them....

  9. PART IV: BORDERS AND LINKS
    • 9 THE UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT AND THE INVESTIGATION OF EUROPEAN EMIGRATION IN THE OPEN DOOR ERA
      (pp. 195-210)
      Dorothee Schneider

      The United States, unlike the countries discussed elsewhere in this volume, has been a country of immigration throughout its history. Emigration and emigrants have therefore played a very minor role in the public consciousness and history of Americans during most of that period. Immigrants occupied the public debate, and at the turn of the twentieth century, the imposition of more restrictive immigration policies became a central part of the discussion. Gradually, as this debate widened, immigrants from other countries began to be understood as emigrants in their original national context (conversely, emigrants from the United States were often considered to...

    • 10 MIGRATION AND NATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS: THE CANADIAN CASE
      (pp. 211-223)
      Bruno Ramirez

      In 1900, census figures showed that 1,180,000 Canadians (Canada-born) resided in the United States—a number corresponding to 22 percent of the Dominion’s population. In that same year, foreign-born immigrants constituted 13 percent of Canada’s population. Despite yearly fluctuations, similar rates ofout-migrationandin-migrationcontinued until 1930.¹

      As both a receiving and a sending society, throughout much of its history Canada has had to confront the issue of migration. As such, Canada has not only produced a variety of policy responses aimed at restraining the flow of immigrants, but also a variety of discursive interventions in the attempt to...

    • 11 MIGRATION POLICY AND THE ASYMMETRY OF POWER: THE MEXICAN CASE, 1900–2000
      (pp. 224-242)
      Jorge Durand

      Mexico is a country of emigrants that does not fully recognize itself as such. The low national awareness of this reality has been due essentially to two factors: the proximity of the receiving country and the fact that emigration is unidirectional. Eighty-eight percent of Mexican emigrants are bound for a single destination—the United States—and nearly 80 percent of them are concentrated in states that were once part of Mexican territory: California, Arizona, Nevada, Texas, and New Mexico.

      Most Mexicans who leave do not break definitively with their country, in contrast to emigrants from other countries; the option of...

  10. PART V: NAMING EMIGRANTS
    • 12 THE “OVERSEAS CHINESE”: THE STATE AND EMIGRATION FROM THE 1890S THROUGH THE 1990S
      (pp. 245-264)
      Carine Pina-Guerassimoff and Eric Guerassimoff

      Emigration was long prohibited in China. Up until the mid-nineteenth century, the attitudes of successive Chinese governments toward emigration corresponded to their attitudes on maritime trade with foreign countries. Before the advent of the Ming in 1368, there were no severe restrictions; this dynasty, more autocratic than previous ones, prohibited all private maritime trade until 1567. A century later, the new Qing dynasty (1644–1911) proved as mistrustful of emigration as its predecessors once had been and forbade all visits overseas. Chinese living abroad were considered traitors, rebels, or conspirators. In the early nineteenth century, important changes began to develop...

    • 13 TRACING THE GENESIS OF BRAIN DRAIN IN INDIA THROUGH STATE POLICY AND CIVIL SOCIETY
      (pp. 265-282)
      Binod Khadria

      Brain drain, which implies emigration of the highly educated, skilled, and experienced—including students of higher learning—from relatively less developed to more developed countries, is a recent phenomenon, although migration (immigration and emigration) in general is much older.¹ Emigration per se, it has been said, has drawn little scholarly attention in the debates on citizenship and state policy formation; and within emigration, the particular aspect of brain drain has drawn even less attention. For the sending country, the focus in the literature remains more on the theoretical possibilities of loss/gain from the brain drain and their quantitative estimations, and...

    • 14 ISRAELI EMIGRATION POLICY
      (pp. 283-304)
      Steven J. Gold

      Israel was envisioned as a homeland for the world’s Jews in the 1890s, and brought into being in 1948, following the Holocaust. The movement for a modern Jewish state was conceived by a secular Jewish journalist named Theodore Herzl as he reported on a series of anti-Semitic incidents culminating in the Dreyfus Affair. Convinced that “the Jewish problem was intractable, emancipation had failed, and that a new approach was urgently needed,”¹ Herzl led Jews in Russia and Romania in the formation of a movement calledHovevei Zion(Lovers of Zion), whose goal was to establish a political entity in the...

  11. CONTRIBUTORS
    (pp. 305-310)
  12. INDEX
    (pp. 311-318)
  13. Back Matter
    (pp. 319-320)