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The Politics of the Global

HIMADEEP MUPPIDI
Series: Borderlines
Volume: 23
Copyright Date: 2004
Edition: NED - New edition
Pages: 152
https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5749/j.cttttb0f
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  • Book Info
    The Politics of the Global
    Book Description:

    Refusing the false choice between objectivity and subjectivity, Himadeep Muppidi considers the production of the global as an intersubjective process that reveals the different political possibilities (e.g., colonial coercion, postcolonial ambivalence, and postcolonial co-option) opened by global relays of meanings, identity, and power. Muppidi concludes by exploring a variety of spaces and strategies for resisting the colonization of the global.

    eISBN: 978-0-8166-9539-3
    Subjects: Political Science

Table of Contents

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  1. Front Matter
    (pp. i-vi)
  2. Table of Contents
    (pp. vii-viii)
  3. Acknowledgments
    (pp. ix-xii)
  4. Introduction: The Local and the Global
    (pp. xiii-xviii)

    Naravarapally Chandrababu Naidu is the chief minister of Andhra Pradesh, a state in the southern part of India. The political party he heads, the Telugu Desam, is a regional party that came to power by espousing issues of local pride against national parties such as the Congress.¹ Even with a political base confined to Andhra Pradesh, Naidu has, since 1996, played an important role in sustaining different ruling coalitions at the level of the national government. Notwithstanding that role, Naidu has confined his politics to safeguarding the regional interests of Andhra Pradesh, turning down offers of national positions including, at...

  5. 1 Colonial Globalities
    (pp. 1-18)

    One of the fascinating, but probably unintended, aspects of Adam Hochschild’s powerful account of the Belgian colonization of the Congo is the bewilderment experienced by the educated Westerner on learning about mass killings under European colonialism. At the very beginning of the book, Hochschild recounts how he was startled to learn, in a footnote, about the five to eight million lives lost to slave labor in the Congo. Hochschild calculates correctly that, even with vastly reduced numbers, that footnote in history would easily make the Congo one of the “major killing grounds of modern times.” “Why,” he wonders, “were these...

  6. 2 Critical Constructivism
    (pp. 19-30)

    “To think globality,” observes Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak “is to think the politics of thinking globality” (1999, 364). The conventional politics of thinking globality in the social sciences and humanities operates, by and large, on the terrain of categories and frameworks drawn from the provincial experience of Europe and its modernity (Chakrabarty 2001). International relations is no exception to this trend (Inayatullah and Blaney 2001; Krishna 2001, 1999). Equally clearly, as postcolonial theorists remind us, the globality that we inhabit allows us no pure non-European or non-Western positions from which to engage in this enterprise. Any analysis of the global must...

  7. 3 Globalization in India
    (pp. 31-58)

    India’s renewed integration into the global economy began in 1991. Writing about Indian economic reforms, Raja Chelliah, an economist prominently associated with the globalization of the Indian economy, noted, “Under the new policy regime, economics comes into its own” (1996, 5). Pointing to “the globalization of national economies, the strong growth performance of several countries, and the emergence of large trading blocks,” he claimed that economics now prevailed over politics and “old style diplomacy” (1). An understanding of the contemporary world as one where the economic prevails over the political is the dominant perspective of many who support the continued...

  8. 4 Globalization in the United States
    (pp. 59-74)

    The National Security Strategy doctrine of the Bush administration received much attention for its ostensibly dramatic difference from established U.S. security strategy (Gaddis 2002). Commentators argued over the novelty of its formulations, especially its focus on preemptive strikes and its straightforward assertion of a desire to prevent any other state from challenging the power of the United States in the international system. John Lewis Gaddis (2002) argued that this “could be . . . the most important reformulation of U.S. grand strategy in over a century.” Strong assertions of a dramatic change notwithstanding, a common claim united both the old...

  9. 5 Productions of the Global
    (pp. 75-94)

    In March 1999, President Clinton, on a visit to Guatemala, regretted the role the United States had played in fostering its thirty-sixyear civil war, admitting that it had been “wrong” in supporting a “brutal counterinsurgency campaign that slaughtered thousands of civilians.”¹ Such expressions of regret notwithstanding, Clinton also firmly turned down the requests of Central American countries to “cease or slow” the deportation of many undocumented Central Americans from the United States. Against the pleas of these countries that these people were the source of desperately needed remittances, Clinton asserted that it was important to “discourage illegal immigration” and to...

  10. Conclusion: Resistance and Rearticulation
    (pp. 95-102)

    Between November and December 1999, as a prelude to the meeting of the World Trade Organization (WTO) in Seattle, a group of more than sixty NGOs brought out a series of full-page advertisements in theNew York Times.¹ Each advertisement focused on one particular aspect of globalization and sought to show how that was advancing the interests of global corporations but not of countries.² I examine one of these ads—the first one in the series—as a way of indicating the limitations of some putatively radical alternatives to the dominant discourses of the global. I then read another critique...

  11. Notes
    (pp. 103-114)
  12. Works Cited
    (pp. 115-122)
  13. Index
    (pp. 123-130)
  14. Back Matter
    (pp. 131-131)