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Racial Policies and Practices of Real Estate Brokers

Racial Policies and Practices of Real Estate Brokers

ROSE HELPER
Copyright Date: 1969
Edition: NED - New edition
Pages: 404
https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5749/j.cttttjd9
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    Racial Policies and Practices of Real Estate Brokers
    Book Description:

    Racial Policies and Practices of Real Estate Brokers was first published in 1969. Dr. Helper, a sociologist, reports on a study which takes a close look at one of the basic problems underlying racial discrimination in housing -- the policies and practices of real estate brokers. She has attempted to find out how real estate men themselves regard their racial practices and to analyze the ideology on which their practices are based. The core of the study is a series of interviews conducted in 1955-1956 with 121 real estate brokers located in three different sections of Chicago and a less extensive follow-up survey made in 1964-1965. In addition to the interviews, she obtained information about the ideology and practices of the Chicago Real Estate Board, as well as the National Association of Real Estate Boards, and about other factors affecting the brokers’ practices, such as the characteristics of the community, the policies of lending agencies, and the sources of potential profit in certain kinds of real estate transactions. She also compared the Chicago data with information about brokers’ practices in other cities of the United States. The study will be of interest to the general public and useful in particular to social scientists, to government agencies concerned with housing or civil rights, and to those in the real estate business, on real estate boards, or in related business or financial enterprises, such as banks and insurance firms. Dr. Joseph D. Lohman, School of Criminology, University of California, Berkeley, says in the foreword: “This study is a significant contribution to the understanding of the increasing influence in our social life of the policies, stratagems, and tactics of deliberately organized interest groups.”

    eISBN: 978-0-8166-6285-2
    Subjects: Sociology

Table of Contents

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  1. Front Matter
    (pp. i-xiv)
  2. Table of Contents
    (pp. xv-2)
  3. I The Problem in National Perspective
    (pp. 3-14)

    “It’s getting worse. I don’t know what we’re going to do about it. I mean Negroes coming up to Chicago from the South every day. They crowd in with their relatives. They don’t have work. Then you get these holdups and rapes. Some here are just as bad. And all the moving. A Negro family buys a house in a nice neighborhood. Soon there are three families in that house. It’s noisy, not kept up, and the white people don’t like it and move away. What’s going to become of Chicago? Some people say there’ll be a black mayor. What...

  4. II Purpose and Method of the Study
    (pp. 15-31)

    Negroes generally have put much of the blame for discrimination in housing on the white real estate man because he channels the property in white neighborhoods to the buyer or renter. He is also accused of influencing white people against living with Negroes and thus of promoting racial residential segregation. Others, too, are blamed, but he is presented as the chief villain.

    More objective observers who have written about the problem of discrimination in housing for minority groups, and particularly for the Negro group, have also treated the real estate man as a culprit and condemned him without giving him...

  5. III Racial Policies and Practices
    (pp. 32-55)

    The respondents vary both in the combination of business functions they perform and in the emphasis upon a particular function. Most respondents stress the functions of sales, management, and insurance or the functions of sales and management. In Area A, 8 firms provide service in sales, management, insurance, mortgages, and appraisal. A few firms in Areas A, B, and C build and act as consultants. (See Tables 2 and 9, Appendix C.)

    The businesses of the study are mostly seasoned enterprises. Four were operating before 1900; approximately half of those in Area A and close to a half in Areas...

  6. IV The Broker’s Conception of His Racial Policies and Practices, Part I
    (pp. 56-101)

    To understand the broker’s racial practices, particularly those of restriction, my task is to bring to light the factors that enter into his decisions in dealing with Negroes. Among the factors revealed in the 40 preliminary interviews, the most prominent were the real estate man’s own ideas and beliefs about selling or renting to Negroes in the white area or block, and their influence became apparent as the preliminary study progressed. The interviews indicated to me that the respondents’ racial practices are the logical outcome of a group of related ideas, values, beliefs, and principles — that is, the racial real...

  7. V The Broker’s Conception of His Racial Policies and Practices, Part II
    (pp. 102-151)

    Respondents’ beliefs and convictions about the possibility of residential integration in Chicago — that is, whether an area that Negroes enter can remain integrated or whether it will inevitably go Negro — strongly affect their decisions about dealing with Negroes. I did not hold the respondents to any particular definition of “integration.” However, here I shall define “racial residential integration” as the peaceable living together of white people and Negroes on the same streets in the same neighborhood, in which at least 50 per cent of the people on a street are white and from which there is no more than the...

  8. VI Other Factors Affecting Racial Policies and Practices
    (pp. 152-186)

    The situational factors most important to the real estate broker in the operation of his business are the community, the lending agency, and particular sources of profit. These factors are external to him in that they represent influences other than his own outlook, but owing to them, he may have to act differently toward Negroes than he might of his own accord. They may reinforce or conflict with his racial real estate ideology.

    Most of the respondents spoke of the community (see footnote, p. 24) in which their main business was carried on as the source of the strongest external...

  9. VII The Real Estate Board, Part I
    (pp. 187-219)

    According to the respondents and certain other data, the Chicago Real Estate Board exercises two kinds of influence over members and nonmembers — professional and ideological. The external, professional influence of the Board is that of the trade association. Through the services it provides to its members, the Board ties real estate men to itself and encourages conformity among them; however, in the city and country at large, the Board represents real estate interests on broad and general levels and is in this way separate and distinct from each individual real estate business. The internal, ideological aspect of the Board’s control...

  10. VIII The Real Estate Board, Part II
    (pp. 220-262)

    Since much likeness has been found to exist between the respondents’ ideologies and those of the institution as represented by NAREB and the Chicago Board, I shall now present data that point to an ideological influence flowing from NAREB and the local board to the present and prospective practitioners of the real estate institution. My sources of evidence are the early history of NAREB and the rise of its Code of Ethics, acts that indicated real estate boards’ approval of and insistence upon racial residential segregation, lines of communication used by NAREB and the Chicago Board to reach real estate...

  11. IX The Relation of Ideology and of Other Factors to Practice
    (pp. 263-276)

    Statistical tests revealed it highly improbable that the relation between the exclusion ideology and the practice of exclusion has arisen from chance,¹ and it seems reasonable to conclude that there is a relation of dependence between the two. The first eight of the ten components discussed in Chapters IV and V were selected as the racial real estate ideology proper because these eight express the broker’s own convictions about what is right racial policy for the world around him. It was then decided that if five out of the eight were unfavorable to Negroes, a respondent’s ideology would be considered...

  12. X Current Practices of Exclusion
    (pp. 277-302)

    The question may be asked whether the racial practices of real estate brokers in the study are still as restrictive as they were in 1955–1956 when the interviews were held. A less extensive study was made during 1964–1965 to ascertain whether there have been any significant changes from the findings of the original study in either ideology or practice. It appears that restrictive practices are still the rule among real estate brokers in Chicago and other cities of the United States, and that real estate boards are still insisting upon such practices. In addition, the boards have taken...

  13. Appendix A. Interview Schedule
    (pp. 305-308)
  14. Appendix B. Criteria to Determine Direction of Components 1–8
    (pp. 309-309)
  15. Appendix C. Tables 1–47
    (pp. 310-344)
  16. Notes
    (pp. 345-367)
  17. Bibliography
    (pp. 368-380)
  18. Index
    (pp. 381-387)