Daughters of the Dreaming

Daughters of the Dreaming

Diane Bell
Copyright Date: 1993
Edition: NED - New edition, Second
Pages: 352
https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5749/j.cttttz4p
  • Cite this Item
  • Book Info
    Daughters of the Dreaming
    Book Description:

    This new edition, which is based on research done in the 1970s, includes an epilogue in which Bell reflects on her original fieldwork from the perspective of the 1990s, examining the changes in the field and in feminist theory and practice.

    eISBN: 978-0-8166-8571-4
    Subjects: Sociology

Table of Contents

  1. Front Matter
    (pp. i-iv)
  2. Table of Contents
    (pp. v-v)
  3. LIST OF MAPS AND DIAGRAMS
    (pp. vi-vi)
  4. [Illustrations]
    (pp. vii-viii)
  5. FOREWORD TO THE SECOND EDITION
    (pp. 1-6)
    Diane Bell

    ThatDaughters of the Dreamingcontinues to reach new readers is rewarding. Like many monographs on Aboriginal society, she began life as a PhD thesis and was reworked extensively for publication. Over the past decade she has received her fair share of attention and I am grateful to McPhee Gribble for keepingDaughtersin print and to Patrick Gallagher of Allen & Unwin for insisting that it is time for a new edition. In revisitingDaughters,I have had the pleasure of recalling my friends and teachers who patiently introduced a raw southerner to their religious beliefs and practices, and...

  6. Chapter I INTO THE FIELD
    (pp. 7-40)

    We were returning to thejilimi(women’s camp) from the ceremonial ground where an initiation for a lad I had learnt to call ‘son’ was in progress. Several ‘sisters’ and ‘aunts’ were discussing a four year-old who had been present throughout the evening‘s proceedings. Although she had had no parental supervision or direction, the child had behaved and responded correctly throughout. As she trotted along beside us, one of the women asked, ‘Who’s boss for you?’ ‘No-one,’ quipped the child, ‘I’m boss for meself.’ Her statement was greeted with general approval and mirth. The notion of being boss for oneself,...

  7. Chapter II CHANGE AND CONTINUITY
    (pp. 41-109)

    Returning to Canberra from the field in February 1978 was in many ways more traumatic than going into the field: white faces, new smells, the pace of life, speech styles, all seemed strange and for a while I wandered around in a daze. But I now had that cherished anthropological tool of trade. I had my own field data. The pressure was on me to ‘write up’, to organize and to make anthropological sense of the ethnographic details of women’s ritual life, to translate the individual experiences into a portrait of a society. I tried following the advice the King...

  8. Chapter III THE SUSTAINING IDEALS: LAND, LOVE AND WELL-BEING
    (pp. 110-181)

    Come then into the Kaytejjilimiof 1977, meet the residents and most frequent visitors, and explore their relationships with each other and with country. Locating Kaytej women at the centre of my analysis in this way involves no sleight of hand, for the Kaytejjilimi,the home of the ritually powerful and respected leaders, was the focus of activities in the main Kaytej camp for men and women alike. Rather than older women looking to younger women to support and care for them, younger women and men looked to thejilimifor support in a number of ways. From...

  9. Chapter IV WE FOLLOW ONE LAW
    (pp. 182-228)

    Women, as we have seen, are the nurturers of people and country. In their own rituals and in their daily lives they project an image of themselves as independent individuals. They display sexual solidarity. If we were to stop at this point, we could conclude that all we need to know of Aboriginal religion is contained in women’s ritual. Knowledge of men’s ritual world, we might suggest, merely adds a depth but does not fundamentally alter our understanding. This approach, but with male as ego, has been the dominant trend in Australian anthropology.

    However, underlying male and female practice is...

  10. Chapter V THE PROBLEM OF WOMEN
    (pp. 229-254)

    In the field we meet with actual women who may well not agree with popular anthropological characterizations of their lives as impoverished and male-dominated. The women with whom I worked would not have endorsed Lloyd Warner’s¹ statement that women make little sacred progress through life but remain largely profane; nor Kenneth Maddock’s² that women’s ceremonies are small and personal; nor Nancy Munn’s³ that their interests are conscribed by the life of the camp; they would not have recognized themselves as the ‘toothless old hags’ of C. W. M. Hart and Arnold Pilling’s⁴ studies.

    Over the past forty years, since Phyllis...

  11. APPENDIX 1
    (pp. 255-255)
  12. APPENDIX 2
    (pp. 256-272)
  13. EPILOGUE
    (pp. 273-306)
    Diane Bell

    The research, writing and aftermath of publication ofDaughtersraised a cluster of critical questions that are enduring ethnographic dilemmas with implications far beyond my specific study: What do we do? How do we do it? Should we do it? Who should do it? Why do we do it? What does it mean to do it? These are key questions with long and honourable histories in anthropology and ones at which I continue to worry away. My reflections here concern the ways in which changes in the field, the discipline, feminist theory and practice, and my own life are intertwined....

  14. BIBLIOGRAPHY
    (pp. 307-326)
  15. A NOTE ON ORTHOGRAPHY
    (pp. 327-327)
  16. GLOSSARY
    (pp. 328-330)
  17. INDEX
    (pp. 331-342)