Lexikon of the Hispanic Baroque

Lexikon of the Hispanic Baroque: Transatlantic Exchange and Transformation

Copyright Date: 2013
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    Lexikon of the Hispanic Baroque
    Book Description:

    Over the course of some two centuries following the conquests and consolidations of Spanish rule in the Americas during the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries-the period designated as the Baroque-new cultural forms sprang from the cross-fertilization of Spanish, Amerindian, and African traditions. This dynamism of motion, relocation, and mutation changed things not only in Spanish America, but also in Spain, creating a transatlantic Hispanic world with new understandings of personhood, place, foodstuffs, music, animals, ownership, money and objects of value, beauty, human nature, divinity and the sacred, cultural proclivities-a whole lexikon of things in motion, variation, and relation to one another.

    Featuring the most creative thinking by the foremost scholars across a number of disciplines, theLexikon of the Hispanic Baroqueis a uniquely wide-ranging and sustained exploration of the profound cultural transfers and transformations that define the transatlantic Spanish world in the Baroque era. Pairs of authors-one treating the peninsular Spanish kingdoms, the other those of the Americas-provocatively investigate over forty key concepts, ranging from material objects to metaphysical notions. Illuminating difference as much as complementarity, departure as much as continuity, the book captures a dynamic universe of meanings in the various midst of its own re-creations. TheLexikon of the Hispanic Baroquejoins leading work in a number of intersecting fields and will fire new research-it is the indispensible starting point for all serious scholars of the early modern Spanish world.

    eISBN: 978-0-292-75310-5
    Subjects: Art & Art History

Table of Contents

  1. Front Matter
    (pp. i-iv)
  2. Table of Contents
    (pp. v-vi)
    (pp. vii-x)
    (pp. xi-xiv)
    (pp. 1-8)

    When Noah filled the ark at God’s command, he was to have loaded on species, the forms of life required to make a world anew. By the time ships sailing from Spain happened upon the Americas, notions of what would be needed to recreate a world on distant shores had expanded considerably. However much Divine Providence was invoked to make sense of the explorers’ actions, the world-making was now a human idea. Over the course of some two centuries following the conquests and consolidations of Spanish rule in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries—the period we designate as...

  6. Afterlife
    (pp. 9-12)

    In 1587 Father Juan de Talavera Salazar did something very baroque: he named his own soul theheredera universal(sole heir of his entire estate). Expecting a challenge from relatives who might sue for their share of this loot, Father Juan, a canon of the Cathedral of Sigüenza and administrator of the hospital of San Lucas y San Nicolás at Alcalá de Henares, inserted into his will and last testament a bristling defense of such a seemingly selfish and impractical gesture:

    I declare that I wish to make my soul the heir of all that remains of my possessions ....

  7. Afterlife
    (pp. 13-15)

    In 1806 José Fernando de Abascal y Sousa, one of Spain’s last viceroys of Peru, arrived in Lima. By this time, the secularizing views of the French Enlightenment had triumphed in Spain, inaugurating new public health policies. Indeed, as early as 1789, royal decrees issued from Madrid forbade thelimeños’deeply ingrained habit of burying their dead inside churches. But clergymen, as much as parishioners, were reluctant to comply with these decrees. Upon his arrival in Lima, Viceroy Abascal confirmed that the churches of this city emitted an “intolerable stench, all of which contributed to a pestilential spring which made...

  8. Animal
    (pp. 17-19)

    Human society in baroque Spain cannot be understood without investigation of animals which are front and center in masterpieces of the age: the calm, steady canine is perhaps the most unflappable presence in the entourage depicted inLas Meninas. The opening sentence ofDon Quixoteidentifies the delusional knight as the owner of a skinny workhorse (rocín flaco) and hunting dog (galgo corredor). Outside these frames, animals were everywhere: their feathers in downy pillows, their fat in candles, their skins in writing parchment; they appeared as foes in bull-fights, quarry in hunting expeditions, labor to pull plows, protection for herds,...

  9. Animal
    (pp. 21-23)

    A full kennel—twenty hunting dogs—climbed aboard the fleet that sailed on Christopher Columbus’s second expedition in 1493.¹ Hunting, among the earliest exports, wrought changes and was changed in the colonial context, a consequence of its indispensability in conquest, the presence of novel fauna, and exposure to Amerindians’ methods and beliefs about hunting. The native fauna was viewed through the prism of hunting. The chronicler Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo wrote of deer: “There are many deer in Tierra Firme, neither more or less than there are in Spain in color and size, but not as fleet. To which I...

  10. Cartography
    (pp. 25-27)

    With these lines, Cervantes acknowledges that a novel cultural force—the theater—had emerged in seventeenth-century Spain and that its power relied in part upon its ability to transport its audience far and wide on the wings of imagination. What might be less clear is that the figure used to trope the theater—cartography—was no less novel and no less powerful. Two hundred years before the time of Cervantes, maps were hard to come by in Europe. Although people, then as always, conceptualized and represented space and territory, they were not accustomed to having ready-made printed maps at their...

  11. Cartography
    (pp. 29-32)

    Modern maps and mapping transformed the image of the world in close simultaneity with the expansion projects of the Spanish and Portuguese Crowns throughout the planet. From the beginning of the sixteenth century, Iberian cartography became an extra-peninsular practice that allowed both the makers and the viewers to “see” territories, spaces, and lands in new geographic, political, and aesthetic terms. In this sense, it is worth combining Cervantes’s lines fromEl rufián dichoso(published in Madrid in 1615) on the capacity of the theater to “bring” such distant places as London, Rome, Valladolid, and Ghent to its audiences with some...

  12. Center
    (pp. 33-36)

    Empires and nations are defined as much by their centers as by their boundaries. Centers are definite physical locations, but they are also much more than fixed points on a map: they are points from which authority and order emanate and in which power and the very identity of a dominant culture ostensibly reside. Like monarchs, centers embody authority symbolically: centers, like monarchs, extend their authority through both literal and figurative representation. Centers tend to permeate the larger whole, extending beyond themselves and establishing their presence in the perceived peripheries. When all roads lead to Rome, Rome also extends outward...

  13. Center
    (pp. 37-40)

    Any latter-day talk of the colonial Spanish American “center” cannot help but problematize it: whose center? Where is it located? How does it live? The center, already complex in Spain, becomes in the evolved colonial world of the seventeenth century that quintessential baroque figure, a paradox. On the one hand, under extreme stress from the racial and ethnic plurality of the New World, the official regime imposed the center all the more forcefully. On the other, the irrepressible plurality of what was then the world’s most racially and ethnically diverse society exploded the center, complicating and diffusing it. No single...

  14. Church: Interior
    (pp. 41-45)

    In early modern Spain the life of virtually every Catholic soul was touched by one or more of the local churches, whether it had the status of a cathedral or a collegiate, abbey, parish, or rural church. Because of their representative function as seats of bishops, cathedrals were inevitably the largest structures of all, with a diminishing scale and degree of interior elaboration depending on the wealth of the religious order or patron in charge and the size of the community the structure served. But in spite of any differences in wealth—from the most modest whitewashed stucco to stone...

  15. Church: Interior
    (pp. 47-50)

    Around 1630 an immigrant to New Spain, a friar-builder and theoretician, reflected on architectural principles and the intricate designs of mudejar ceilings. Fray Andrés de San Miguel (1577–1652), a Discalced Carmelite, filtered his technical astuteness in geometry andartesonado(coffered ceilings), orcarpentería en blanco(the cabinetmaker’s art), through his biblical knowledge.¹ The first chapter of his treatise is “The Temple of Solomon,” the house of worship that God was said to have designed for Jerusalem and a frequent point of departure for architectural musings. Since the earliest days of the Spanish presence in the New World, the biblical...

  16. Church: Place
    (pp. 51-55)

    The Pórtico Real (Royal Portal) along the southeast face of the Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela is one of the sumptuous components that make up the majestic Plaza de Quintana (Fig. 23). Realized between 1696 and 1700 by one of the leading architects of Galicia, Domingo de Andrade (1639–1712), the monumental doorway and its lateral walls assume the appearance of a tripartite palace façade, a third of which turns a corner at a ninety-degree angle.¹ Andrade frames the two stories of windows in the first three bays with colossal pilasters, which give way to half columns in the next...

  17. Church: Place
    (pp. 57-60)

    The multiple senses of Sebastián de Covarrubias’s 1611 definition of “church” (iglesia) as a tripartite entity—a congregation, an institution of governance, and a work of architecture¹—equipped learned men and women in early modern Spain to see church buildings as places whose symbolism extended beyond the deity they were built to glorify. Indeed, they also served as representations of social groups such as parishes and religious orders as well as the individuals and institutions that exercised ecclesiastical authority. This complex view of the church as a symbolic place took hold in Spanish America, too, as those invested in religious...

  18. City
    (pp. 61-64)

    The phenomenon of planned cities and, by analogy, city planning in the Hispanic Baroque is one largely played out in the Americas, as illustrated in Richard Kagan’s astute summary in this volume. At the turn of the seventeenth century, with the whole of the Iberian peninsula under Spanish control, only one city was experiencing notable growth that might qualify as planned: the court city (orvilla y corteto be precise) of Madrid. Valladolid, too, was undergoing rapid repair following a decision in December 1600 by Philip III to move his court to that northwestern Castilian city. It is difficult...

  19. City
    (pp. 65-68)

    Such was López de Gómara’s opinion in his best-selling history of the Indies. Although he never crossed the Atlantic, his ideas about towns as an instrument for conquest and conversion neatly capture the official policy of the Spanish monarchy in the New World. This policy had its roots in the Middle Ages, when the Crown of Castile took possession of frontier regions bordering portions of the kingdom still under Muslim rule following the Roman practice of founding towns as instruments of settlement and granting to each certain charters (fueros). Settlers were guaranteed the right of self-government, vested in an elected...

  20. Clergy
    (pp. 69-72)

    Clergy played multiple, diverse roles during the Baroque period in Spain. The word might have brought many things to mind for an early modern Spaniard. In a world where clergy were so prominent, they must have impinged upon thought often. Early modern Spaniards might be reminded of wealthy elite clergy, living in luxury unimaginable to most; relatively poor and ill-educated clergy, largely absent but visiting town on rare occasions; omnipresent clergy establishing schools and teaching; clergy begging for funds—sometimes illicitly; clergy who criticized parishioners publicly in their sermons; clergy who ministered to their parishioners through organizations such as confraternities....

  21. Clergy
    (pp. 73-76)

    Divine intermediaries, arbiters of justice, fire-and-brimstone preachers, score-settlers, compassionate allies, and greedy careerists—clergy filled a multiplicity of roles and brought to mind a range of opinions in the Spanish Americas, just as Gretchen Starr-Lebeau makes clear they did in Spain. Indeed, the history of the clergy on both sides of the Atlantic has much in common, particularly during the Baroque, a period that lasted from the late sixteenth through the mideighteenth century. Clergy on both sides of the Atlantic were at the apex of their size and power. Patterns in the compositions of urban versus rural as well as...

  22. Comedy
    (pp. 77-79)

    Comediais synonymous with theater or drama in baroque Spain. A comedy is a play in the language of the time; the “author” is the director and owner of a theater company, and the writer of the play is known as thepoeta. Therefore,comediadoes not relate to the “comic,” although most comedies contain comic elements, but to a specific vision of theater as a public spectacle with a particular aesthetic. The genre acquires the designation of “new comedy,” that is to say, new theater, with the publication of theArte nuevo de hacer comedias en este tiempoby...

  23. Comedy
    (pp. 80-82)

    In 1683 thecomedia Los empeños de una casa(The Trials of a Noble House) by the Mexican poet and playwright Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz (1651?–1695) was first performed in an aristocratic home in Mexico City in honor of a newly installed archbishop. In asaineteperformed between acts II and III, two actors comment on the larger play of which they are a part. This Luigi Pirandello–like interlude offers Sor Juana the opportunity to poke fun at herself—the two characters find the play too long and amateurishly written—and to comment incidentally on the...

  24. Confession
    (pp. 83-85)

    Confession and its companion sacrament, communion, lie at the very core of Catholic belief and practice. Without prior confession and absolution, a Catholic may not proceed to communion. Not partaking of the body of Christ and risking death while in a state of mortal sin were and remain the primordial preoccupations of practicing Catholics. During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in Spain, several trends reinforced the centrality of these two sacraments in a highly politicized and militant milieu. Certain aspects of the Spanish experience of confession were tied to the unique historical legacy of the Reconquest and pre-figured the challenges...

  25. Confession
    (pp. 87-90)

    The status of confession in the seventeenth-century New World is vexed at several levels. First, the practices brought to the New World reflected an institution that was in a process of radical change in Europe, not only in decisions made during the Council of Trent but in accretions throughout the seventeenth century. At a purely material level, the confessional itself, with a grill whose holes were to be no larger than a pinky finger, is a late sixteenth-century innovation. Second, the theology of confession underwent substantial reformulation from the Fourth Lateran Council (1215) to the Council of Trent (1545–1563),...

  26. Convent
    (pp. 91-93)

    The convents of baroque Spain, like their counterparts throughout Europe, occupied a significant place in the religious landscape of the Catholic faithful. By the seventeenth century their physical presence decorated the landscape of cities, towns, and villages across the peninsula. As an increasing number of women made religious professions in this period, many families felt a vital connection to these institutions, which were the home of their female relatives. The nuns, for their part, were paragons of piety and valued for their intercessory prayers. They were expected to live by a code of behavior that prized their separation from the...

  27. Convent
    (pp. 95-97)

    When a woman took the black veil as a professed bride of Christ, the irrevocable nature of her vows signified more than a personal commitment. It was a way of life that was acceptable and desirable for those who followed it and for the society that nurtured the values it implied. In baroque Spanish America women’s convents were emblems of political and religious dominance as well as of spirituality and gender values. They stood conspicuously in the midst of urban areas, sheltering consecrated women from the perils of a natural and social environment that could be hostile and threatening to...

  28. Dream
    (pp. 99-101)

    Some forms of baroque art bring to mind a dreamscape so conspicuously that the expression “baroque dream” seems to imply the highest degree of unreality, as in Jean Baudrillard’s famous statement that “the Vietnam War never happened, perhaps it was only a dream, a baroque dream of napalm and the tropics.”¹ Although Baudrillard is referring here to how the simulacra have superseded the physical world through the hyperreality of modern media, both periods suffer from a crisis of representation, from an uneasy awareness that the instability that governs the relation between signs and their meanings may be as loose and...

  29. Dream
    (pp. 103-105)

    Fraught with anxieties about the deeper meaning of our awakened experience, the literary dreams of the seventeenth century can be seen as quintessential expressions of the Baroque. As literary artefacts that circulated widely throughout the Spanish Empire, they were technologies of culture, part of a larger, transatlantic Hispanic culture. The dream as genre has appeared in a variety of forms in several European literatures and has deep historical roots in the visions, revelations, and fantasies of antiquity. The first-person narrative generally begins with the protagonist recounting how he fell asleep. While he is dreaming, a guide with extraordinary powers appears,...

  30. Dress
    (pp. 107-110)

    The costume recognized round the world as the imperial Spanish style was engraved upon Anne of Austria in a portrait (Fig. 38) printed sometime after her 1570 wedding to King Philip II (r. 1556–1598). Typically Spanish, the dress is modest in the extreme, covering the queen from chin to toe. The design of the garment and the position of the queen in three-quarter profile showcase her gown’s sumptuous silk fabric, a so-called pomegranate cloth-of-gold, which was the noblest and richest of materials and appeared frequently in religious painting and court portraiture.¹ In this extraordinary example, traditional European pomegranates and...

  31. Dress
    (pp. 111-115)

    Material splendor—rare and exquisite fabrics, dazzling displays of wealth and sartorial beauty—is a compelling value in Hispanic-American clothing. Theorists of costume argue that clothing is a source of erotic delight and sensory pleasure for wearers and onlookers. In 1906 the German critic Karl Kraus posited that we fall in love with the clothes, not with the person who wears them.¹ Dress embodies many things, but I suggest that the profound materiality and sensuality of costume is crucial in Spain’s American possessions, where only stuffs recognized as prestigious can insulate the wearer from public disgrace and where the most...

  32. Engraving
    (pp. 117-120)

    Imagines volant(“images fly”) might well be the very nature of engraving, given its ability to cross borders and oceans, as the German termFlugblattand the English term “flyer” express very well. Engraving is the poor relation of art history studies, which have mainly been interested in its artistic dimension, but it now appears to be one of the most fascinating vantage points not only for the circulation of styles and themes but more widely for the emergence and diffusion of visual cultures on a global scale. The classic question of influence must be seen differently from this new...

  33. Engraving
    (pp. 121-124)

    The “saints” being distributed by the Jesuits at the church of their College of San Pedro y San Pablo in Mexico City around 1600 (according to Juan Sánchez Baquero, S.J.) were surely prints, “holy cards” in modern parlance. They were an extension of the festivities on the arrival in New Spain of an important collection of 214 relics, sent to the Jesuits by Gregory XIII in 1578. The relics had been lavishly celebrated with eight days of liturgy, processions, and dramatic performances and in ephemeral architecture, sculptures, and paintings throughout the city. The ceremony described by Sánchez Baquero was instituted...

  34. Epic
    (pp. 125-127)

    War, what is it good for?” chanted Edwin Starr, in a now-famous protest song written during the Vietnam War (1969). The choral response, “absolutely nothing,” surely rang true in the hearts of dispirited soldiers obligated to slaughter innocents in wartime, only to return home and find that they had nearly destroyed their own lives in the process of taking life elsewhere. But if wars are good for nothing, why do writers and moviemakers dedicate so much space to them? The writers of epic, for example, depend completely on war for its easy capacity to set a glorified, cohesive representation of...

  35. Epic
    (pp. 129-131)

    The main production of Spanish American colonial epic poetry can be framed between the publication of two texts that represent the distinct spaces of the frontier and the city: part one of Alonso de Ercilla’sLa Araucana(Madrid, 1569) and Pedro de Peralta Barnuevo’sLima Fundada(Lima, 1732).¹ Between them, more than twenty long narrative heroic poems employed the genre’s prestigious conventions to restructure the colonial world under the influence of Virgil, Lucan, Ariosto’s Renaissance romance, and the historical narratives and personal testimonies of the conquest and colonization. The epic’s thousands of stanzas functioned similarly to the foundation of new...

  36. Food
    (pp. 133-135)

    Felipe Fernández-Armesto’s essay hits the nail right on the head. Three times in particular his aim is especially sharp. First, when he visualizes the two-way trade in foodstuffs between early modern Europe and the Americas as a world-historical shift in biological transfers in which Spain, as the greatest transoceanic power, played a leading role. Second, when he then cautiously backs away to insist that the greatest effects of this exchange were long-term, as opposed to immediate, and that once again this is nowhere better seen than in Spain itself. And finally, when he notes that as far as most historical...

  37. Food
    (pp. 137-139)

    A display of eighteenth-century painted tiles in Barcelona’s ceramics museum shows bewigged gentlemen offering cups of chocolate, on bended knee, to delicately nurtured ladies, beside the fountains of ahortus conclusus(Fig. 52). The work could illustrate a comedy of manners—a chocolate version, perhaps, of theCoffee Cantata— or a history of the “civilizing process.” The technology involved in preparing the beverage, however, fits imperfectly into these contexts. It is recognizable to any student of pre-Cortesian Mesoamerica as transferred—down to the very shape of the pots—from the cult of cacao in its homeland, where European visitors acquired the...

  38. Governance
    (pp. 141-144)

    Early in the reign of Philip IV (1621–1665), several of his ministers publicly stated that the government of the Spanish monarchy was a “regal government,” government by one, and not a “political government,” government by many. For them, and many others at the time, the Spanish ruler was not a “prince” (aprimus inter pares) but a monarch, and therefore the lord of the Crown not its tutor or administrator. These views of the Spanish monarch, with full authority and control of his government, stand in stark contrast to other views and also to political and administrative practices. Unlike...

  39. Governance
    (pp. 145-149)

    From the moment a viceroy is received in Peru and takes possession of his office, he begins to be mistaken for royalty.”¹ Thus did Jorge Juan and Antonio de Ulloa begin their description of the viceregal figure contained in the confidential report that they wrote for the authorities in Madrid. The two Spanish navy officers who had been traveling in the Viceroyalty of Peru in the 1740s made this assertion in order to criticize what they saw as the excessive power of the viceroys who had been ruling the Spanish Crown’s New World possessions for more than two centuries. It...

  40. History
    (pp. 150-152)

    In his famous treatiseThe Reason of State(1589), the Italian Jesuit Giovanni Botero catalogued those princes who had made effective use of history as an instrument of state. For Botero, rulers needed to sponsor a “finely-written history which is read by everyone and goes all over the world.” In this respect he especially applauded the kings of Portugal who, in his estimation, had done more than most to have their achievements chronicled “in both the Portuguese and Latin languages.” In contrast, Botero emphasized that “the Castilians have failed . . . [in the writing of history] for although they...

  41. History
    (pp. 153-155)

    On 30 November 1680 the Marqués de la Laguna, New Spain’s newly appointed viceroy, reached the Plaza de Santo Domingo in Mexico City. As tradition dictated, the Mexico City Council (cabildo) had sponsored the construction of an allegorical triumphal arch to celebrate his arrival. The ephemeral monument featured all the elements of the Corinthian order and included cornucopias, Attic Hermathenas, and Persian sphinxes.¹ Yet the arch’s symbolic scenes drew upon Aztec history and legend rather than the usual Greco-Roman myths. It was a daring move by the Mexican savant Carlos de Sigüenza y Góngora (1645–1700), the arch’s designer, who...

  42. Honor
    (pp. 156-158)

    In 1621 Jerónimo de Lanuza, an Aragonese Dominican and the bishop of Barbastro, published a book of homilies to be preached during Lent. The subject of the third homily was loving one’s enemies. This commandment had been forgotten, Lanuza explained, “particularly in Spain where thanks to the valor of noble hearts and souls . . . [honor] has such a great place, that anything that appears to them crucial for preserving honor and esteem is one of the things in Spain that carry off a great many souls to Hell.”¹ Modern scholars have long agreed that baroque Spain was be-sotted...

  43. Honor
    (pp. 159-161)

    Honor arrived in Spanish America as an established cultural formation. Medieval Spain had already theorized it (for example in theSiete partidas) as exemplary service to God and king that demonstrated the servant’s virtue and nobility. This understanding allowed the colonization of Spanish America to be staged as a matter of honor. Missionaries were to glorify God by redeeming souls hitherto deprived of the revealed faith, and conquistadores were to serve their king by delivering foreign lands and peoples to his just rule. It weighed on the royal conscience when these functionaries’ corrupt acts frustrated the redemption and justice that...

  44. Inquisition
    (pp. 163-166)

    1598. The death of Philip II can be taken as the end of the century of iron. The signs of crisis and discontent that for at least ten years had marked Castile seemed now to surface. Consideration of the problems of the monarchy, which previously had been rather cautious, was now a recurrent feature in the speeches addressed to Philip III, in the instructional treatises for the new king of Spain. The hopes that every transition brings with it opened up the way to new judgments and assessments. It had been the century of Catholic Spain and its Inquisition, of...

  45. Inquisition
    (pp. 167-170)

    On 11 May 1626 the Jesuit father and censor of the Mexican Inquisition, Pedro de Hortigosa, expired in the Colegio de San Pedro y San Pablo. He had spent nearly five decades in Mexico City as rector, censor, professor of theology, and student of Nahuatl. It was rumored that one of the inquisitors claimed that he was lost without Hortigosa—the driving intellectual force of the Mexican Inquisition—such was his command of inquisitional law, theory, and practice. Pedro Moya de Contreras, a jurist, was made the first inquisitor general of Mexico in 1571; when he was made archbishop of...

  46. Knowledge
    (pp. 171-174)

    In 1545 Fernando Álvarez de Toledo concluded two things about the peoples he called “Indians.” First, they showed the capacity to react against abuse, for they knew how to complain about how they were treated and about Spaniards’ demands on them. And second, they could understand anything at all as well as the people of “any other nation.” In the opinion of the Duke of Alba, then, the Indian “nation” was able to complain and to understand.¹

    For contemporary thinkers in the wake of the Renaissance, both capacities were taken as evident proof of humanity. From the first came the...

  47. Knowledge
    (pp. 175-177)

    In the organization and deployment of knowledge in Spanish America the Franciscan and Jesuit orders played crucial roles. In order to bring Christian polity to native peoples, these orders developed systematic methods of gathering and shaping “facts.” The enterprise of learning about the “other” was not limited to the questioning of native elites and the writing down of their languages and histories but also included the retraining of these experts in the alphabetic writing system and visual arts. Neither the Franciscans nor the Jesuits totally succeeded in decentering native forms of knowledge. Instead they contributed to the construction of a...

  48. Labor
    (pp. 179-181)

    Artisanal guilds were a crucial part of the civic landscape in early modern Spain, though they were less powerful than in other parts of Europe and had less direct political power in Castile than in Catalonia. Madrid probably had over one hundred guilds in the early seventeenth century, and Seville had as many as eighty. They included crafts involving wood, leather, metals, decorative arts, food, and clothing, along with vendors and shopkeepers. Guilds were established to provide protection and community, but they also made it possible for poor artisans to conduct themselves as citizens of a republic. Guild ordinances functioned...

  49. Labor
    (pp. 183-185)

    In December 1595 two young men were ordered by Quito’s appellate court to sign contracts. The two, both legal minors between the ages of fourteen and twenty-five, had probably been arrested for some misdemeanor, perhaps vagrancy or petty theft. They might have been Quito’s answer to Cervantes’s lovable Seville street hustlers, Rinconete and Cortadillo. In agreements set to last one year, the youths were ordered “to assist in acting in all comedies” staged in Quito and other towns.¹ The young men were to receive a wage of twelve and a half pesos every four months, room and board, medical care,...

  50. Language
    (pp. 186-188)

    During the seventeenth century, as Rafael Lapesa has demonstrated, the Spanish language went through an evolutionary process. It evolved phonetically, orthographically, and syntactically, in ways that implied “a considerable obsession over the uses of the written word, and, to a lesser extent, the spoken word as well.” During the baroque period, treatises on language abounded, from historic and normative approaches to vocabulary guides. But all of these treatises were composed by authors who were taking into account the numerous languages spoken or read in the peninsular and Mediterranean territories of the monarchy.¹ For this reason, Bernardo Aldrete ranked these different...

  51. Language
    (pp. 189-192)

    The parish church of San Pedro de Andahuaylillas, not far from Cusco, contains a seventeenth-century mural featuring the sacramental formula “I baptize you in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit” in five different languages (Fig. 61). The mural appropriately frames the baptistry doorway and disposes the languages in a hierarchical fashion on both vertical and horizontal axes: Latin, Spanish, Quechua, Aymara, and Puquina. It appears that one of the purposes of the mural was to help the indigenous parishioners learn the formula in their native language so that they could baptize infants in the absence...

  52. Library
    (pp. 193-195)

    Saint Isidore of Seville, in hisOrigines, offered a simple definition for a library as a place where books were kept: “Bibliotheca est locus, ubi reponuntur libri.”¹ In Spain during the early modern period, however, the termslibreríaandbibliotecaboth referred to a collection of books used for consultation. For example, in his 1611Tesoro de la lengua castellana o española, Sebastián de Covarrubias Orozco provided the following terse definition: “Biblioteca, la librería.”² His rendering forlibreríafurthered this ambiguity: “cuando es pública, se llama por nombre particular biblioteca, como en Roma la biblioteca Vaticana” (When it is public...

  53. Library
    (pp. 197-199)

    From the earliest moments of European colonization numerous books traveled from the Iberian peninsula to the Indies. They arrived in the luggage of Crown officials, members of the clergy, and other passengers; in the bundles of traders and booksellers; and quite often hidden in trunks and crates. Over time they began to form part of private and institutional book collections, some of which were of exceptional wealth and size, comparable to those found in Europe.

    During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in Spanish America the termlibreríareferred to three different things: book collections in the possession of institutions and...

  54. Living Image
    (pp. 201-205)

    The painting shows a man in a Capuchin’s habit, his eyes raised to the sky, his hands joined. Nothing more. He would seem to be in an alcove, illuminated from a source somewhere to his left, outside the image. His own body is joined by a second one made of shadow. It is a minimalist scene, inhabited by one body doubled. The viewer’s gaze takes in an austere, bare space: it glides over the strict surface of the homespun cowl, pauses at a fold in the cloth, goes deeper into the multiple folds. The most hidden of all is the...

  55. Living Image
    (pp. 207-211)

    What child is this who stands painted before us (Fig. 67)? This is Christ the King, but a Christ the King unlike any other in all of Christendom. His reddened cheeks, rounded face, and soft features are set off by cascading golden hair. He seems to be a very animated figure, with one foot raised and turned in profile, as a raking light from the left casts a shadow below it. The other foot appears to press firmly into the pillow upon which the figure stands, as if to step forward. The right hand is held upward in benediction, and...

  56. Love
    (pp. 213-215)

    The canonical texts of Renaissance and baroque literature in Spain create the impression that few people would have lived in the burgeoning cities of the time by choice. Descriptions of urban life draw on conventional images and attitudes that contrast its confusion and complexity with a candor that is displaced temporally into the past or spatially into the countryside. In this literary world the city offends through an excess of sensations and worldly goods, and urban existence is presented as a vale of tears that demands dissimulation and adjustment to circumstances. Such practices extend to all aspects of social life,...

  57. Love
    (pp. 216-218)

    The topic of love has always been elusive for anyone rash enough to address it—perhaps even more so in the context of colonial Spanish America, where the conflictive “encounter” of cultures, languages, and bodies from diverse ethnic groups engendered the phenomenon today called thebarroco de indias. The discourses on love that crossed the Atlantic with Spanish conquerors, colonists, theologians, and poets were particularly slippery, often invoked, explicitly or implicitly, to justify Spanish rule. Thus Christian ideas concerning God’s love (amor de Dios) and the virtue of charity (caridad) were implicated in the rapid growth of cities, founded to...

  58. Miscegenation
    (pp. 219-220)

    Miscegenation, especially between Christians and Muslims or Jews, had long been a Spanish obsession. Laws criminalized it, and aggrieved parties made full use of accusatorial procedures. Miscegenation became one of the malleable borders around which interreligious tensions were sometimes mobilized.¹ Even after the expulsion of Jews andmoriscosfrom the Spanish realm, popular wrath could emerge with lightning speed at the mere suspicion of inappropriate relations. Fears of miscegenation certainly remained, not only in terms of sexual mixing with Muslims or Jews but even with their Christianized descendants, theconversosandmoriscos, who were considered New Christians as opposed to...

  59. Miscegenation
    (pp. 221-224)

    In 1771 the mulatto slave Felipe Catalino managed to escape his plantation (trapiche) in Miacatlan (Cuernavaca, New Spain) and make his way to the viceregal capital. There he launched legal proceedings against his owner, the Spaniard Fernando José Palacios. Catalino charged that the food provided to him at the plantation was not enough to support his family, forcing him to take odd jobs to make ends meet. As a result, his master brutally punished him by whipping him and rubbing hot peppers on his open wounds. The harsh punishments of his master led one of Catalino’s fellow workers to throw...

  60. Mission
    (pp. 225-227)

    The term “Spanish mission” summons images of a friar pulling a bell-rope, calling indigenous people to catechesis in a rustic structure adorned with a wooden cross. Recent scholarship on the evangelization of Spanish America has challenged the conventional view of a march from paganism to Christianity, emphasizing rather the agency of indigenous peoples in an evolving process of assimilation, accommodation, and resistance. The campaign to evangelize native peoples and extirpate idolatry in America unfolded at the same time as the renewed effort to instruct the peoples of Castile and Aragon in the early modern period. A comparison of missionary work...

  61. Mission
    (pp. 229-232)

    If we examine how “mission” was understood in the early modern Spanish world, and particularly in the evangelization settings of the Americas and Philippines archipelago, we find evidence for three clusters of ideas. I term these clusters “Mission Apostolic,” “Mission Translated,” and “Mission’s Afterwards.” To present these three understandings to the reader in a vivid but scaled manner, I select a single actor for each as the “human carrier” of his understanding of “mission.”¹

    Mission Apostolic expresses a widespread sense that the Indies represented an enterprise foretold for the particularly Spanish brand of Roman Catholicism. Traces of a disciple’s preaching,...

  62. Music: Cathedrals
    (pp. 233-236)

    Maravall’s concept of baroque power resonating through art and through music is nowhere more strongly observed than in the continuation of the polychoral music style which utilized contrasting sound and timbre, in groups of two to six choirs. Typically composers continued writing standard liturgical Masses and motets in Latin, but the growing popularity of thevillancico(a genre which incorporated aspects of popular music styles in the vernacular) was sometimes overwhelming, drawing large crowds to feast-day performances. As time went on, foreign forms like the oratorio or cantata also became more common but were performed in devotional situations rather than...

  63. Music: Cathedrals
    (pp. 237-239)

    A Maravallian thesis: Cathedral music in the Spanish Indies cannot be separated from power. Working within a post-Tridentine symbolic system, aesthetics were conceived as means for religious propaganda and Catholicism remained at the service of the king. The performative power of baroque music, geared toward manipulating the listeners’ affections, increased the emotional appeal of religious services and controlled their adhesions to the cause of both the king and God (or the king through God) from inside of the people’s bodies. The social life of colonial music owes much to its condition as herald of the king’s power. Not just the...

  64. Music: Convents
    (pp. 240-242)

    On 28 April 1620 Doña Jerónima de la Fuente embarked upon a voyage that took her from the Toledo convent where she had lived for the past fifty years, beyond the ports of Seville (where Velázquez painted her portrait) and Cádiz, across the Atlantic to Acapulco and on to Manila, where she founded and served as abbess of the first Catholic monastery in the Far East. While Doña Jerónima’s sights were set on advancing Christianity abroad, her sisters in religion were busily occupied with matters at home. Doña Juana de Toledo and Doña Estefanía Manríquez, who alternated as abbess at...

  65. Music: Convents
    (pp. 243-245)

    The convent of La Santísima Trinidad in Puebla was one of the first seven female monasteries founded in Puebla between 1568 and 1604, along with Santa Catalina de Sena, La Purísima Concepción, San Jerónimo, Santa Teresa de Jesús, Santa Inés del Monte Policiano, and Santa Clara. This religious house of Conceptionist Franciscan nuns came into being at the end of February 1593, thanks to the efforts of the local councilmen Antonio Rodríguez Gallegos and Don Alonso de Ribera Barrientos and the municipal officer Alonso Hidalgo Ávalos. In 1617 the Town Council of Puebla agreed to write a letter to the...

  66. Music: Missions
    (pp. 246-248)

    Music and song were resources of great importance for the popular missions conducted in early modern Spain. They were employed with a double objective: first, to bring in the faithful with novel ideas that would arouse their interest and curiosity, and, second, to put forward an alternative to popular celebrations, thus serving as the basis for a type of moral and Catholic festival.

    In terms of the sources at our disposal it should be pointed out that we lack musical scores. The lyrics for canticles, however, have been preserved; numerous collections of missionary sermons include them. In many cases they...

  67. Music: Missions
    (pp. 249-252)

    Music played a central role in the project to convert the indigenous peoples of Spanish America to Catholic Christianity. Across all of the missions of Spanish America, and at every moment of their existence, musical life flourished. The Provincial Councils of Lima and Mexico recommended the use of music in evangelization. It is not for this reason that the missionaries were able to succeed in the musical realm, however, but rather thanks to the musical talents of the Indians and their preference for singing the faith. None of the religious orders present in Spanish America had a preconceived plan for...

  68. Opera
    (pp. 253-255)

    Opera was a politically charged genre in the Spanish dominions, though the mechanisms of theatrical production developed for thecomediawere better suited to spoken and partly sung drama. Musicians enjoyed only low social status, and those who sang in the Hispanic theaters were professional actors and actresses who sang, rather than highly trained courtvirtuosi. Appreciated for their histrionic ability, they did not cultivate the same kind of refined virtuosity sought by performers in Italy. Their singing was rooted in popular music and the tradition of theromance. Though Hispanic music (with its formal flexibility, bold contrasts, clear harmonic...

  69. Opera
    (pp. 256-258)

    In Spanish America, the appearance and initial development of dramas entirely sung are intimately linked to their historical and political contexts. Opera in these settings was, from the outset, not only entertainment but also a vehicle for propaganda and the consolidation of power, perfectly in line with the objectives of colonial festivals. Opera’s first American performance ofLa púrpura de la rosain Lima on 19 December 1701 is linked to a critical event for the Spanish Empire: the ascension of a new dynasty to the Spanish throne in the person of Philip V (the Duke of Anjou, grandson of...

  70. Prayer
    (pp. 259-261)

    Mandan rezar tal y tal oración?” (“Requests for such and such a prayer, anyone?”). So cried out the blind beggar in the picaresque novelLazarillo de Tormes(1554). “He knew well over a hundred prayers by heart,” explained his starving acolyte, Lazarillo. “Prayers for all sorts of needs: for women who could not conceive, for those who were in labor, for those who were unhappily married and wanted their husbands to love them.” This beggar attracted many clients who paid onemaravedífor each prayer, allowing him to earn more in one month “than a hundred other blind men do...

  71. Prayer
    (pp. 262-265)

    One evening in the early seventeenth century Don Cristóbal Choque Casa, lord of the Checa people of Huarochirí near Lima, capital of the Viceroyalty of Peru, found himself in a tight spot. A Christian from infancy, he had arranged to meet his lover in an abandoned Andean shrine. But as he approached the building Don Cristóbal found that the ancient deity Lloqulay Huancupa was still residing there and was assaulting him in flashes of light followed by total darkness and a most alarming noise. He took to reciting the catechism he had learned as a child and all the prayers...

  72. Prophecy
    (pp. 267-269)

    Ramón Mujica Pinilla is certainly right to argue that the apocalyptic or prophetic discourse could appeal both to religious authorities and to marginal figures: if in the first instance prophecy was an instrument of legitimization, in the second it often opened prospects to the reform of the Church or the foundation of a new messianic kingdom. As a way to understand history, prophecy could not but reflect the tensions embedded in a society that, at the very moment of encounter with the New World, was taking decisive steps to erase the memory of its multiconfessional past.

    Let us take the...

  73. Prophecy
    (pp. 270-273)

    From the times of the Church Fathers until the nineteenth century, the Holy Scriptures were the most widely read, studied, and commented-upon book in the West. For Christian exegetes, the Bible was the prophetic text par excellence which, in a nutshell, contained the complete history of human-kind, past and future, from Creation to the Last Judgment.¹ Revelation, the last book of the New Testament, was in its way a handbook of “signs” about the Final Days. Articulated in a complex symbolic language, the Book of Revelation drew upon angelology, demonology, animal symbolism, sacred numerology, imperial political theology, and an interpretation...

  74. Rebellion
    (pp. 275-277)

    The politics of these times presuppose malice and deceit in everything.” This pessimistic observation on the wickedness of the world, so characteristic of the political thinking of the age of the Baroque, was enunciated by the mid-seventeenth-century Spanish diplomat and political theorist Diego Saavedra Fajardo in his famous emblem book,Empresas políticas. Emblem 67 (Fig. 79), on which his words were a commentary, depicted a tree with trimmed branches. The motto above it readpoda no corta(“prune, do not cut”). The purpose of the emblem and its accompanying text was to advise the prince on how best to raise...

  75. Rebellion
    (pp. 278-280)

    On 10 November 1780 a large crowd in the town of Tungasuca, Peru, witnessed an extraordinary execution: the local indigenous leader ordered the hanging of district magistrate Antonio de Arriaga. This rebel cacique, José Gabriel Condorcanqui, was a mestizo, bilingual in Quechua and Castilian, whose business and legal affairs had brought him into the Hispanic world. Yet he also claimed descent from the last Inca emperor—Tupac Amaru—and took his name. His unmistakable assault on Spanish authority launched a massive rebellion which lasted for more than two years and cost perhaps 100,000 lives. Although the colonial state eventually reasserted...

  76. Religious Drama
    (pp. 281-283)

    In 1637 Mateo Rodríguez, a rug weaver who resided in Madrid, received 200 lashes as punishment for “false sainthood.” His Inquisition trial, by accident, left a record of how a community of artisans experienced religious dramas. As historian María José del Río reveals, several witnesses called to report on Rodríguez’s actions as a popular street prophet also drew attention to play performances that they attended in his home on feast days.¹ All but one of the plays that the witnesses mentioned were religious (a lo divino) in the inquisitors’ terms, rather than secular (a lo humano). Private performances of religious...

  77. Religious Drama
    (pp. 284-286)

    In the early 1600s the Nahua annalist Chimalpahin penned an entry recalling what may have been the earliest Christian-themed theatrical production performed in his language: an enactment of Judgment Day that inspired wonder and astonishment among the Mexica. Chimalpahin placed this event in the year Two House, or 1533, twelve years after the Mexica emperor Cuauhtemoc surrendered to Hernán Cortés.¹ The Franciscan friars who dominated the early missionization effort chose to evangelize in Nahuatl—the principal language of the Mexica and related central Mexican ethnic groups—and other indigenous languages and to attract people to Christianity with music and theater....

  78. Saint
    (pp. 287-290)

    Since Christianity first arrived on the Iberian peninsula Spaniards have venerated its heroes, the saints. For centuries Spaniards looked to the saints as models of behavior, as sources of inspiration, and, especially, as divine intercessors to whom one could appeal for help in times of personal or communal distress. By the later Middle Ages the Spanish countryside was dotted with shrines to local patron saints, the Virgin Mary, and Christ. Urban dwellers likewise turned to the saints and their images in the numerous churches, chapels, and monastic communities found throughout Spain’s towns and cities. Saints’ days, with their attendant fasts,...

  79. Saint
    (pp. 291-294)

    Catholic Christianity has always been a sensual faith, based on belief in an incarnate God. Christ and divine grace are understood to be actively at work in the world, and the rites that glorify this presence have been “fittingly corporeal.”¹ This embodied faith, with its conviction of divine immanence, was expressed in distinctive if not unique ways in seventeenth-and eighteenth-century Spanish America and Spain. Perhaps nowhere was it expressed in more extravagantly material ways that were understood to be a kind of super-materiality, lifting the faithful viewer into an exalted emotional state of contrition and joy “where men and gods...

  80. Science
    (pp. 295-297)

    The notion of “baroque” science in Spain inevitably raises the issue of Spanish “decadence” and the social and economic factors that conditioned it. Robert K. Merton supposed that population growth in early modern England spurred economic expansion, which in turn set up a demand for technology. Inventiveness, moreover, is predicated to some extent on access to pure science.¹

    The opposite occurred in Spain: sharp population decline and economic retrenchment in the last quarter of the sixteenth century, which resulted in the flat technology and scientific decadence of the early seventeenth. Some of these trends were exaggerated by government policy: Phillip...

  81. Science
    (pp. 298-300)

    While the Baroque as a category has been central to the analysis of seventeenth-century art, it has not traditionally been used for the study of scientific knowledge at the time. Quite the opposite: the very idea of the Baroque has traditionally been considered largely at odds with the major narrative in the history of early modern science, that of the scientific revolution, which has in turn tended to ignore the Hispanic world. Recent work by historians of early modern science and Hispanists, however, highlights that many Hispanic scientific practices and projects of the period make full sense only when viewed...

  82. Self-Fashioning
    (pp. 301-303)

    In Lope de Vega’s bitingly satirical comedyThe Dog in the Manger(El perro del hortelano, 1618), a countess named Diana plays a game of cat and mouse with her commoner secretary, Teodoro, with whom she has fallen in love: unable to marry him because of their difference in rank, the countess cannot let him go either because of her passion, raising and dashing his hopes and ambitions to a point of maddening desperation. The path to resolution is cleared when the secretary’s ingenious servant fools a wealthy aristocrat into believing that the secretary is his long-lost son. Teodoro himself,...

  83. Self-Fashioning
    (pp. 304-306)

    On the night of 8 June 1692 thousands of Indians andcastasburned the palace of the viceroy in Mexico City. Once the mob began to assemble, rioters throwing rocks at the palace decided to use thepetates(mats) from the Indian stalls to set the doors and windows of the palace on fire.¹ The mats proved ideal yet scarce fuel, so the mob turned to thecajonesof themercaderes, the more sturdy kiosks owned by merchants that peppered the plaza. Thecajoneswere made of wood and contained all sorts of commodities, including silks, silverware, iron tools, glass,...

  84. Ship
    (pp. 307-310)

    To Eugenio de Salazar, who crossed the Atlantic with his family in 1573 to take up a bureaucratic post in Santo Domingo, the ship represented a hellish caricature of life on land. After his first battle with seasickness, he wrote to a friend in Spain:

    I straightened myself up as best I could and emerged from the belly of the whale—the tiny chamber in which we had been enclosed—and I saw that we were running on one of those things that some call a plank horse [caballo de palo, which can also mean any vessel fit for the...

  85. Ship
    (pp. 311-315)

    That great monument of Spanish baroque poetry, Luis de Góngora’sSoledades(1627), opens with a shipwreck: the “stranger” or “pilgrim” who is the poem’s protagonist, floating on wreckage, reaches an unknown shore. There he encounters an old man who, recognizing in the stranger’s clothing the ravages of the sea, delivers a somber harangue against ocean navigation and the greed of men, which, he says, is “at the helm today, not of stray trees, / but of whole shifting forests.”¹ The old man’s bitterness is born of personal tragedy: his son and his fortune were lost in a wreck in the...

  86. Sin
    (pp. 317-319)

    According to the Catholic Church, sin was an offense against God, and that offense could take many forms. Although most people knew the seriousness of breaking the Ten Commandments and engaging in the Seven Deadly Sins (lust, gluttony, sloth, envy, wrath, pride, and greed), the list of potential sins was quite large. In addition to those well-known sins, Christians could sin against the Twelve Articles of Faith, the Eight Beatitudes, the Twelve Fruits of the Holy Spirit, and at least a half-dozen other sets of laws, doctrines, and virtues. Yet, however often those daunting lists of potential sins appeared in...

  87. Sin
    (pp. 321-323)

    In a sense, there had been no sin in the Indies before 1492. Native peoples of the Americas often had a strong sense of moral order and proper behavior, but Christian concepts of original sin, and personal culpability and guilt for thoughts and actions, or the necessity to eliminate and repent to gain personal salvation in the afterlife, were largely absent. Thus, as part of the conversion process, the explanation of the nature of sin, the distinction between venial and mortal sins, and the inculcation of sin as a personal concern became a principal objective of the missionaries. It sometimes...

  88. Sodomy
    (pp. 324-325)

    A mantle of cold air covered Valencia on this October night in 1623. After a brutal day’s work, you were drifting into sleep tucked comfortably in your bed. Today’s bricklaying for Joan Carretero’s new façade had not gone as planned: though as master builder you were able to rely on young laborers, the constant hands-on interventions were nothing if not back-breaking. You felt as if a judge had put you to the question.¹ All you wanted was to relax and give your poor back some respite. Maybe if you took it easy, as Catalina advised, your limbs would not hurt...

  89. Sodomy
    (pp. 326-328)

    Can one imagine the reactions of the audience in 1690 Puebla to the spectacle of Domingo? Does our understanding of this performance change when we realize that it comes from an indigenous annal, written in Nahuatl, and that the annal as a whole suggests that the audience was made up primarily of Nahuas, the indigenous peoples of central Mexico? What can we make of the idea that this was the first time aputo(Spanish slang for a man viewed as a sodomite) had burned in Puebla, an important city in the Spanish colonization of New Spain? And what meaning...

  90. Supernatural
    (pp. 329-332)

    If one were searching for an episode to capture the complexities of Spanish attitudes toward the supernatural in baroque Spain, the symposium on royal thaumaturgy that took place in Madrid in September of 1654 would fit the bill nicely. Construing monarchs as conduits for supernatural power—attributing to them the ability to cure disease by the laying on of hands, for example—was a staple of royal propaganda in France and England. Spanish intellectuals also took an interest in the issue from at least the early sixteenth century onward, albeit less enthusiastically. During the seventeenth century the campaign to imbue...

  91. Supernatural
    (pp. 333-336)

    Andrew Keitt makes the bold suggestion that changes in the “supernatural” cannot be explained merely as the product of culturally determined tastes. Instead, he argues that they are the product of an evolutionary stage in the history of human understanding. This does not mean that all the complex and multilayered expressions of the supernatural in the Hispanic Baroque are not deeply determined by their cultural context. Keitt in fact argues in favor of an inclusive perspective where the explanations of cognitive science do not replace or invalidate interpretive analyses but give them a renewed, synergistic outlook which is simultaneously attuned...

  92. INDEX
    (pp. 337-352)