The French Republic

The French Republic: History, Values, Debates

Edward Berenson
Vincent Duclert
Christophe Prochasson
Copyright Date: 2011
Edition: 1
Published by: Cornell University Press
Pages: 408
https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7591/j.ctt7zbwr
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    The French Republic
    Book Description:

    In this invaluable reference work, the world's foremost authorities on France's political, social, cultural, and intellectual history explore the history and meaning of the French Republic and the challenges it has faced. Founded in 1792, the French Republic has been defined and redefined by a succession of regimes and institutions, a multiplicity of symbols, and a plurality of meanings, ideas, and values. Although constantly in flux, the Republic has nonetheless produced a set of core ideals and practices fundamental to modern France's political culture and democratic life. Based on the influential Dictionnaire critique de la république, published in France in 2002, The French Republic provides an encyclopedic survey of French republicanism since the Enlightenment. Divided into three sections-"Time and History," "Principles and Values," and "Dilemmas and Debates"-The French Republic begins by examining each of France's five Republics and its two authoritarian interludes, the Second Empire and Vichy. It then offers thematic essays on such topics as Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity; laicity; citizenship; the press; immigration; decolonization; anti-Semitism; gender; the family; cultural policy; and the Muslim headscarf debates. Each essay includes a brief guide to further reading. This volume features updated translations of some of the most important essays from the French edition, as well as twenty-two newly commissioned English-language essays, for a total of forty entries. Taken together, they provide a state-of-the art appraisal of French republicanism and its role in shaping contemporary France's public and private life.

    eISBN: 978-0-8014-6064-7
    Subjects: History

Table of Contents

  1. Front Matter
    (pp. i-iv)
  2. Table of Contents
    (pp. v-x)
  3. Introduction: Transatlantic Histories of France
    (pp. 1-8)
    Edward Berenson and Vincent Duclert

    The Republic first appeared in France as a system of government and model of sovereignty on September 25, 1792, and subsequently developed into nothing less than a comprehensive worldview and way of organizing and understanding history. Two centuries of political controversy have turned the Republic into an all-encompassing structure, a totality, which makes the work of historians who seek to make sense of it as difficult as it is exciting. How can one write the history of something so vast, so comprehensive, and so desired—desired particularly by historians themselves, many of whom took part in the republican project? How...

  4. Part I Time and History

    • 1 The Enlightenment
      (pp. 11-18)
      Johnson Kent Wright

      Alphonse Aulard once claimed that the French Revolution could not be said to have had intellectual origins at all, for an obvious reason: prior to 1791, there were simply no republicans in France. Rhetorical exaggeration aside, this captures what is still perhaps the conventional wisdom about the fate of republicanism and republican ideas during the Enlightenment. On this view, the leading French philosophes—Montesquieu, Voltaire, the Encyclopédistes, Holbach, the Physiocrats alike—agreed that republican government was a thing of the past, rendered obsolete by both the sheer size of modern states and the complexity of their functions. Far from any...

    • 2 The First Republic
      (pp. 19-26)
      Patrice Gueniffey

      The four Republics that France has known since 1848 have one thing in common: each devised a constitution at the outset and abided by that constitution for the duration of the regime. In this respect the First Republic stands out. Even if we discount the many discontinuities that marked its history, it encompassed at least three distinct political forms: a parliamentary dictatorship (1792–95); a limited-suffrage republic (1795–99); and a plebiscitary regime, inaugurated after Napoleon Bonaparte’s coup d’état of 18 Brumaire (November 9, 1799). This coup led to the installation of Bonaparte as life consul in 1802 and thus...

    • 3 The Second Republic
      (pp. 27-34)
      Edward Berenson

      For more than a hundred years after the collapse of the Second Republic in 1852, historians treated the events of France’s shortest republic as something of an embarrassment. The Revolution of 1848 and its aftermath marked a “turning point that didn’t turn,” an episode that revealed the French people’s inability, at midcentury, to govern themselves. Tocqueville portrayed his country as veering wildly from revolution to reaction to revolution again, unable to find stable democratic institutions compatible with social order and private property. Karl Marx, also a keen observer of French society, condemned its elites for sacrificing political liberty on the...

    • 4 The Republicans of the Second Empire
      (pp. 35-43)
      Sudhir Hazareesingh

      The republicans of the Second Empire found themselves in rather sad shape by the early 1850s. Crushed by the coup d’état of December 2, 1851, destroyed as an autonomous political force, and sentenced to long prison terms, deportation, or exile in London, Brussels, Geneva, or Guernsey, they were reduced to bemoaning their fate in personal diaries, subdued private meetings, and ephemeral secret societies, which were quickly infiltrated by the imperial police. Although the “liberal Empire” of the late 1860s permitted them to engage in political activities more openly than before and energized the press, pamphleteers, and students, in other respects...

    • 5 The Third Republic
      (pp. 44-55)
      Philip Nord

      The Third Republic lasted seventy years, a feat of longevity unmatched in France’s postrevolutionary history. Yet, until recent years, the Republic has not had a good press. Criticism has taken a variety of forms.

      The regime’s constitution and political mores have been a primary target. By tradition, republicans had a strong preference for the unicameral legislature. In the 1870s, however, when the Third Republic’s constitutional laws were under debate, republicans, though gaining ground on the electoral front, did not enjoy a majority. The more moderate among them made common cause with former Orléanists, together hammering out a constitutional compromise with...

    • 6 War and the Republic
      (pp. 56-64)
      Stéphane Audoin-Rouzeau

      The French Republic was born in war. The abolition of the monarchy, unanimously approved by the deputies of the National Convention on September 21, 1792, and the next day’s decision to date all public documents from Year I of the Republic, were preceded, on September 20, by the victory at Valmy of the revolutionary armies over the forces of Prussia and Austria. Another war was launched inside France against Vendeans and Bretons who remained loyal to the Catholic monarchy.

      The wartime birth of the Republic shaped the representations and practices of the res publica. Although the Second Republic initially thrived...

    • 7 The Republic and Vichy
      (pp. 65-72)
      Julian Jackson

      August 25, 1944. Liberated Paris. General de Gaulle arrives at the Hôtel de Ville and is welcomed by the National Resistance Committee (CNR). When invited to proclaim the Republic to the people gathered for the occasion, de Gaulle flatly refuses: “The Republic,” he says, “has never ceased to exist. Vichy always was and always will remain null and void.” For twenty years, French collective memory shared this Gaullist version of history, according to which, apart from a few collaborators, the vast majority of the French were resisters, and the government of Vichy was merely a puppet state. In other words,...

    • 8 The Fourth Republic
      (pp. 73-82)
      Rosemary Wakeman

      The Fourth Republic, according to the historian Pascal Cauchy, is the poor parent of contemporary French history, “little-liked, born a bit by chance . . . out of the desire to forget defeat, foreign occupation, and an authoritarian regime” (3). The squabbling politics of the years 1946 to 1958 that led to an astounding twenty-six governments are often judged incomprehensible and largely irrelevant to the larger schema of French history. If the Fourth Republic is given any notice by scholars, it is generally to condemn the regime as dysfunctional and unable to deal effectively with the extraordinary problems facing France...

    • 9 The Fifth Republic
      (pp. 83-92)
      Martin Schain

      For well over a decade after the birth of Fifth Republic (September 28, 1958), social scientists and journalists considered it a fragile regime. Viewed in the context of French republican history, this new regime appeared to be a stopgap affair, a temporary solution to a crisis of decolonization. The new constitution was so strongly formulated to meet the priorities of the regime’s founding figure and first President that observers frequently labeled it “the de Gaulle Republic.” It is striking, therefore, that fifty years later, amid the most serious economic crisis since the Great Depression, the regime now appears both stable...

  5. Part II Principles and Values

    • 10 Liberty
      (pp. 95-102)
      Jeremy Jennings

      Few words in the vocabulary of politics have been more subject to misunderstanding or abuse than the word “liberty.” French republicanism has not been immune from this problem. Fortunately, in a lecture of 1819, Benjamin Constant gave precise form to a distinction between different types of liberty that had long been the subject of discussion. Liberty, Constant contended, has two forms: the “ancient” and the “modern.” Stated in its simplest terms, “modern” liberty amounts to the right to go about one’s life and business, to associate with others, to practice a religion, and to express an opinion without constraint. “It...

    • 11 Equality
      (pp. 103-111)
      Jeremy Jennings

      “In theory, equality is a simple idea.” This was the view of the French Conseil d’État in its report Sur le principe d’égalité, published in 1998. In truth, very few people have believed in complete or formal equality. An exception would be the socialist Étienne Cabet, in whose utopia, Voyage en Icarie, every conceivable form of social and economic inequality was to be eradicated. There was to be no private property, everyone giving their labor to the community on equal terms, drawing whatever they needed from a central storehouse. Everyone was to dress alike and to live in the same...

    • 12 Fraternity
      (pp. 112-118)
      Anne-Claude Ambroise-Rendu

      What is fraternity in politics? A virtue? A form of naïveté? The poor relation of the revolutionary triad: liberty, equality, fraternity? A metaphor destined to embody proletarian hopes of justice and the remote ideal of a universal Republic? In any case, not a human right but an idea “as embarrassing as it is indispensable,” as a philosopher put it in an article published in Le Monde in May 2002. Why embarrassing? Because although political action can create conditions favorable to the flourishing of fraternal sentiments, it cannot ensure that such sentiments will exist, nor can it verify, much less compel...

    • 13 Democracy
      (pp. 119-126)
      Patrice Gueniffey

      The relationship between republicanism and democracy is singular: republicanism was not always democratic, and if today the spread of democracy seems irresistible, it is hardly the case that republicanism is everywhere seen as the form of government indispensable to democratic societies. Indeed, several European democracies remain monarchies. Democracy is thus a notion at once concrete and vague: concrete, because its defining conditions are readily identifiable, but vague, because its territory is without precise limits. The closer one approaches, the farther its frontiers seem to recede. Democracy is a system, and an expectation that can never be fully satisfied.

      Let us...

    • 14 Laicity
      (pp. 127-135)
      Jean Baubérot

      The (French) Republic is secular (laïque), and (French) “laicity” is republican.* In France, this might seem to be an obvious fact needing no lengthy commentary. For instance, Claude Nicolet’s L’idée républicaine en France (1982) devotes only a few pages to the theme of laicity and republicanism. “Legal and territorial unity,” Nicolet argues, “also require unity of another kind: moral or spiritual: this is the function of laicity.” He then adds: “This is too well-known to dwell on at any length.” Later he returns to the same refrain: “The history [of laicity] is too well-known to dwell on.”

      But is the...

    • 15 Citizenship
      (pp. 136-144)
      Cécile Laborde

      Citizenship—a central reference in the normative structure and political imaginary of French republicanism—was constructed in France as a concomitant of the “nation-state.” It was based on the ideas of individual autonomy and the primacy of the nation-state and articulated in conjunction with the ideals of universality and equality. Paradoxically, it was in a context of profound questioning of the sociological basis of citizenship that the theme forced its way into political debate in the 1980s. Attempts to elaborate a “French republican model” have revived interest in the history of discourses and practices associated with the idea, and this...

    • 16 Universalism
      (pp. 145-153)
      Jeremy Jennings

      Let us begin by recalling, as Marc Fumaroli has, an age in the eighteenth century when Europe spoke French. French was not only the language of international diplomacy but also the language of civilization, of the arts, and of the republic of letters. It was, as English now is, the universal language. To speak French was to be a party to the aspirations of humanity as a whole. Next, let us acknowledge that one of the most striking features of the Revolution of 1789 was that from the outset its participants believed that their actions were of universal significance and...

    • 17 The Republic and Justice
      (pp. 154-162)
      Paul Jankowski

      Of all the ideals that five French Republics have invoked since 1793, none has caused them more pain than justice. Each promised to celebrate it; each was accused of subverting it. How could they place justice at the service of the people while emancipating it from their government? The problem is still with us. Arbitrariness, the republicans held, had been the besetting sin of monarchical justice. When justice was secret, justice was arbitrary; and it was secret when a regime subtracted it from the light of day and the sovereign gaze of the people.

      Such

      Such precepts antedated 1789 and...

    • 18 The State
      (pp. 163-172)
      Herrick Chapman

      In 1970, two years after the upheavals of May 1968, President Georges Pompidou reminded an audience of public servants at the Conseil d’État: “For more than a thousand years . . . there has been a France only because there was a state . . . to keep it together, to organize it, to make it grow, to defend it not only against external threats but also against collective egotism, the rivalry of groups.” A conventional French nostrum, perhaps, but such words carried weight in the halls of the Conseil both as history and as myth: history, insofar as the...

    • 19 The Civilizing Mission
      (pp. 173-181)
      Alice L. Conklin

      The idea of a special republican mission to civilize the “primitive” people of the earth provided the ideological framework for France’s colonial empire in the modern era. While its antecedents stretched back to the Enlightenment and Revolution, this claim reached its apogee under the secular Third Republic, when French colonization of parts of Southeast Asia; North, West, and Equatorial Africa; and Oceania began in earnest. Republican civilizing discourse in the age of empire was always shifting and unstable; certain recurrent themes nevertheless structured what officials meant by “civilization” and its opposite, “barbarism.” When fears of national decline set in during...

    • 20 Parité
      (pp. 182-188)
      Joan Wallach Scott

      On June 6, 2000, French legislators enacted a law popularly known as the “parity” law. Aimed at increasing the representation of women in political office, the law required equal numbers of male and female candidates for most elections. Although government rhetoric heralded it as evidence of France’s unique approach to gender equality (“this law will accelerate the modernization of political life and reinforce democracy”), in fact it has not yet led to the revolution in representation that its early proponents predicted.

      The law followed the amendment of two articles of the Constitution in 1999. Article 3 now reads that the...

    • 21 The Press
      (pp. 189-196)
      Dominique Kalifa

      The monarchy invented newspapers, and the Republic granted them freedom. This, in a nutshell, is the main axis around which the history of the French press has been told. Two major events support this idea: first, the revolutionary rupture of 1789–99, which initially sparked development of the media; second, the law of July 29, 1881, a veritable cornerstone of the Republic that sealed the definitive alliance between a newly liberated press and the new regime. The idea that there existed a special link between the Republic and the press emerged from a historiography of the press that had long...

    • 22 Times of Exile and Immigration
      (pp. 197-206)
      Lloyd Kramer

      The Republics of France have always had complex connections to the history and experience of exile. Beginning with the First Republic in 1792 and continuing through the collapse of the Third Republic in 1940, the rise and fall of French Republics have produced streams of French exiles who condemned or defended the influence of republicanism in French society, politics, and culture. Since the late eighteenth century, however, France has also constantly attracted exiles from other countries who viewed France as the enlightened advocate of republican political and cultural traditions. For both the French exiles who settled abroad and the foreigners...

    • 23 The USA, Sister Republic
      (pp. 207-212)
      François Weil

      “There is no word in the English language less intelligible than republicanism,” wrote former president John Adams in 1807. To begin our exploration of the fluctuating meanings of the term since the birth of the American Republic, one can refer to the definitions above, from Merriam-Webster’s Collegiate Dictionary, eleventh edition. The history of American adherence to or sympathy for a republican form of government begins with the choice of a government without a king or hereditary nobility. But that is not the end of the story.

      In the British colonies of North America, adherence to republican government was not common,...

    • 24 The Local
      (pp. 213-220)
      Stéphane Gerson

      The local as jetsam of the Republic: such was until recently the orthodox view about modern France. The story held that the one and indivisible Republic, committed as it was to equality and unity, tolerated neither local prerogatives nor internal diversity. “France must not be a collection of small nations. She is a unique whole,” declared the abbé Sieyès. Camille Desmoulins echoed this view: “We are no longer from Aix or Arras. We are all French, we are all brothers.” The Revolution stifled expressions of local autonomy, association, and individuality. So did the regimes that followed. Republicans were not only...

  6. Part III Dilemmas and Debates

    • 25 The Republic and the Indigènes
      (pp. 223-231)
      Emmanuelle Saada

      At first glance, the fate of France’s indigènes could be interpreted as one of the Republic’s major internal contradictions. By denying indigenous peoples full citizenship and the benefits of the Declaration of the Rights of Man, the Republic seemed to overlook the universality of its own values, or to deny the humanity of the indigènes. It was to restore a semblance of consistency with their definition of the social contract that republicans outlined a means by which the “worthiest” indigènes could be integrated into the national community. And, in a vast corpus of doctrine concerning colonized subjects, Republicans aslo felt...

    • 26 Immigration
      (pp. 232-241)
      Mary Dewhurst Lewis

      Immigration has raised fundamental questions about the very nature of French civic life, as the arrival and settlement of immigrants have repeatedly amplified the tension between the pluralism inherent in democracy and the unitary thrust of French republican ideology. This dilemma now spans most of modern French history. While much of Europe witnessed emigration in the nineteenth century, France received an influx of foreigners: the country’s immigrant population nearly doubled from 1870 to 1890 and increased another third by 1921. As of 1931, France’s rate of foreign population growth was the highest in the world, surpassing that of the United...

    • 27 The Immigration History Museum
      (pp. 242-251)
      Nancy L. Green

      The opening of the Cité Nationale de l’Histoire de l’Immigration (CNHI) on October 10, 2007, clarified the distinction between two terms: opening and inauguration. The new museum opened its doors to great media attention, but it did so without any champagne or petits fours. Neither the President of the Republic nor the new minister of immigration, integration, national identity and codevelopment appeared, and no formal inauguration was ever held. This opening without an inauguration serves as a double reminder of how museums can be both a product of and a challenge to the French republican ideal: a product thanks to...

    • 28 Decolonization and the Republic
      (pp. 252-261)
      Todd Shepard

      The end of direct French suzerainty over almost all of the overseas territories that various governments had conquered since 1789 began in 1942, when Free France recognized Lebanese independence. It continued after World War II, when men and women in Hanoi, Damascus, and Sétif (Algeria) urgently demanded freedom from French domination, and was largely completed by 1962 (with New Caledonia, Polynesia, Wallis and Futuna, and Mayotte notable exceptions). Decolonization, many argue, marked the end of the Republic’s imperial “detour,” of practices and arguments that flagrantly violated republican values, comforted the Republic’s enemies, and thus sapped its institutions. This vision echoes...

    • 29 The Suburbs
      (pp. 262-271)
      Frédéric Viguier

      After a century and a half of industrialization and deindustrialization, la banlieue (suburb), in the singular, no longer evokes pleasurable luncheons on the grass or popular dances by the Marne River or affluent neighborhoods to the west of Paris, as it did for Manet’s contemporaries; nor does it recall the French capital’s Red Belt, long the geographic center of French communism. Rather, over the last twenty-five years, the term banlieues has been mostly used as a synonym for cités, as the housing projects in working-class suburbs are known, or for grandsensembles, a term representing the high-rise towers and low-rise blocks...

    • 30 The Republic and the Veil
      (pp. 272-277)
      John R. Bowen

      Although French theories and anxieties about Islamic headscarves date back to colonial days, they took on added force in the late 1980s, when fears about international political Islam combined with the greater domestic visibility of Islam to produce new cries of alarm. Objections to public wearing of Islamic scarves were based on multiple claims: some expressed concern that boys would pressure girls to don scarves; others argued that the scarves had become signs of political Islam; still others claimed that the scarf stood for the oppression of women. The debate centered on the presence of such scarves in schools and...

    • 31 Antisemitism, Judeophobia, and the Republic
      (pp. 278-288)
      Steven Englund

      Few topics have received the attention that French Antisemitism has, or given rise to as many misconceptions. It has long been common to see the Third Republic as saturated with Jew-hatred, as the “laboratory of fascism,” in Zeev Sternhell’s words. This will not be my approach. Rather, I shall apply to the field of Antisemitic studies the kinds of fundamental comparisons and distinctions commonly regarded as progress in studies of nationalism and imperialism for example, but which, for complex reasons that cannot be treated here, have been resisted in the study of Jew-hatred. I shall distinguish between Judeophobia—a generalized...

    • 32 Feminism and the Republic
      (pp. 289-298)
      Karen Offen

      At the dawn of the Third Republic, the word féministe, applied to advocates of women’s rights and women’s emancipation, began to circulate in French with Alexandre Dumas fils’s diatribe Homme-Femme (1872). But neither féministe nor féminisme gained traction in French until the redoubtable suffrage advocate Hubertine Auclert appropriated them in her weekly publication, La Citoyenne, during the early 1880s. The eloquent anticlerical republican Maria Deraismes summed up the situation feminists confronted in 1882: “One must recognize that in France masculine supremacy is the last aristocracy.” Toppling that aristocracy, that male privilege, was the ultimate goal, and feminist women and men...

    • 33 Gender and the Republic
      (pp. 299-307)
      Bonnie G. Smith

      As the result of legal, economic, political, and other gendered conditions, women had an ambivalent relationship to the Third Republic from its inception. As the Third Republic opened in 1870–71, women of the Commune participated in opposing the relatively poor social and political status quo offered by the new Thiers government. In Paris they set up nonprofit workshops, trained as soldiers, and generally proposed a revolution in the social order. The Communards, with women active among them, espoused a kind of antistate in an age of growing national power and centralization. As the Commune was violently put down in...

    • 34 Order and Disorder in the Family
      (pp. 308-314)
      Éric Fassin

      “Travail, famille, patrie.” Vichy’s motto does not borrow a single term from its republican countermodel “Liberté, égalité, fraternité.” But while “work” and “country” belong equally to Right and Left, can it be argued that “family” has no place among republican ideals? “Family values” (to import an anachronistic phrase from the late twentieth-century American context) certainly carry counterrevolutionary connotations. Indeed, the family policies of the Vichy regime were defined in reaction to republican (alleged) disorder—although the image of the family they conveyed hardly coincided with the reality of a society in disarray, as evidenced by the contrast between the pro-natalist...

    • 35 Children and the State
      (pp. 315-323)
      Ivan Jablonka

      There is nothing straightforward in the meeting of child and state. Whether considered from a biological or legal point of view, the notion of child implies that of caretakers. The baby, the toddler, the adolescent, have one common attribute: their legal incapacity, commonly referred to as minority, which, within the household, makes them as dependent on the father-husband as the wife and the servants. Under the ancien régime the French state paid virtually no attention to children. An absolute monarch had every interest in preserving familial autonomy, since, according to a frequently used comparison, paternal authority was a scaled-down version...

    • 36 Commemoration
      (pp. 324-333)
      Daniel J. Sherman

      The first French Republic began in September 1792 without an official proclamation and in a way that deliberately obscured the past, overturning the old calendar and beginning time anew. “Memory” as such has never been a key word for the Republic, and only within the past generation has it become the object of historical research. But commemoration resembles the Republic—res publica, the public thing—in that both fundamentally concern politics, not memory. Commemoration seeks to reinforce the solidarity of a community by fixing a common version of events that have in some way disrupted it. The challenge and dilemma...

    • 37 Intellectuals and the Republic
      (pp. 334-343)
      Jerrold Seigel

      In its most general sense, the term “intellectual” might refer to any person who somehow dwells in the world of thought. During the 1890s, however, the word took on a particular meaning in France, referring to those thinkers, writers, artists, and teachers who come forward to play a role in public debate. The crystallization of this meaning took place in connection with the fierce conflicts that divided the country over the conviction of Captain Alfred Dreyfus for treason, and it led to a new prominence for those it designated. The defining moment came with Émile Zola’s famous 1898 article “J’accuse,”...

    • 38 Cultural Policy
      (pp. 344-354)
      Herman Lebovics

      In France the idea that the state has a responsibility for aesthetic culture, as for national defense, the economy, and the highways, is old. But the term “cultural policy” dates only from the time when Charles de Gaulle, on assuming power in the new Fifth Republic, asked André Malraux to head a new Ministry of Cultural Affairs (1959). Despite a small budget, in a ten-year flurry of initiatives Malraux established “culture,” rather than “civilization,” as the proclaimed basis of French internal unity and international eminence. Like other democratizing ideas he championed as minister, Malraux adopted “culture,” with its humanistic how-we-live...

  7. Conclusions

    • American Perspectives on the French Republic
      (pp. 357-366)
      Edward Berenson

      Writers on both sides of the Atlantic have long referred to France and the United States as “sister republics.” In these two nations, modern democratic politics was born. But despite this fundamental commonality and a great deal of mutual interest and admiration, France and the United States have been marked by sharp political and ideological differences. A classic statement of these differences is Tocqueville’s De la démocratie en Amérique, a work that in many ways remains unique. If Americans have adopted Democracy in America, first translated in 1840, as one of their sacred texts, no American book about French politics...

    • Beyond the “Republican Model”
      (pp. 367-372)
      Vincent Duclert

      Both the Dictionnaire critique de la République (2002) and the present work take as their common goal the effort to combine a critical deconstruction of past historiography with an empirical reconstruction of a new historical object, which we call the “Republic in France.” This approach has enabled us to escape the impasse produced in French historiography by the promotion of a “republican model,” a notion that received perhaps its fullest expression in Serge Berstein and Odile Rudelle’s aptly titled volume, The Republican Model (1992). Their book—and countless others—reproduced, rather than analyzed critically, an ideology that portrayed the Republic...

  8. Contributors
    (pp. 373-378)