National Romanticism

National Romanticism: The Formation of National Movements

Balázs Trencsényi
Michal Kopeček
Volume: 2
Copyright Date: 2007
Edition: NED - New edition, 1
Pages: 502
https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7829/j.ctt1281sw
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  • Book Info
    National Romanticism
    Book Description:

    67 texts, including hymns, manifestos, articles or extracts from lengthy studies exemplify the relation between Romanticism and the national movements in the cultural space ranging from Poland to the Ottoman Empire. Each text is accompanied by a presentation of the author, and by an analysis of the context in which the respective work was born. The end of the 18th century and first decades of the 19th were in many respects a watershed period in European history. The ideas of the Enlightenment and the dramatic convulsions of the French Revolution had shattered the old bonds and cast doubt upon the established moral and social norms of the old corporate society. In culture a new trend, Romanticism, was successfully asserting itself against Classicism and provided a new key for a growing number of activists to 're-imagine' their national community, reaching beyond the traditional frameworks of identification (such as the 'political nation', regional patriotism, or Christian universalism). The collection focuses on the interplay of Romantic cultural discourses and the shaping of national ideology throughout the 19th century, tracing the patterns of cultural transfer with Western Europe as well as the mimetic competition of national ideologies within the region.

    eISBN: 978-615-5211-24-9
    Subjects: Political Science

Table of Contents

  1. Front Matter
    (pp. i-vi)
  2. Table of Contents
    (pp. vii-x)
  3. Introduction
    • The ‘Identity Reader’ Project
      (pp. 1-3)

      The present volume is the second one of the series entitled Discourses of Collective Identity in Central and Southeast Europe (1770–1945): Texts and Commentaries. The history of this venture goes back to the meeting of a group of young scholars at the Balkan Summer University in Plovdiv in 1999. Step by step, a research project, hosted by the Center for Advanced Study Sofia, was formed with the intention of bringing together and making accessible basic texts of the respective national traditions. The ensuing ‘Reader’ was envisioned as a challenge to the self-centered and ‘isolationist’ historical narratives and educational canons...

    • Miroslav Hroch: National Romanticism
      (pp. 4-18)

      The end of the eighteenth century and first decades of the nineteenth were in many respects a watershed period in European history. The dramatic convulsions of the French Revolution revealed, and opened, viable as well as unviable roads for the future development of European society. In connection with the ideas of the Enlightenment it shattered the old bonds and cast doubt upon the established moral and social norms that continued to stem from the basis of the old corporate society. The Napoleonic wars integrated Russia once and for all into the political and, indirectly, cultural history of Europe. The steam...

  4. Chapter I. Historicizing the Nation:: Images of the Past, Continuity into the Present
    • DÁNIEL BERZSENYI: TO THE HUNGARIANS
      (pp. 19-26)

      After the ferment of the early 1790s, culminating in the short-lived experiment of parliamentarism and the ill-fated ‘Jacobin conspiracy,’ the Hungarian political elite experienced a deep crisis both in cultural and in political terms. The two decades after 1795 were marked by the withdrawal of the most important intellectual figures to the private sphere, although the landholders enjoyed considerable economic prosperity due to the agrarian boom in the years of the Napoleonic wars. At the same time, the wars demonstrated the inability of the Hungarian gentry to cope with the radically altered conditions of modern warfare. In short, socio-economic and...

    • JOSEPH VON HORMAYR: AUSTRIA AND GERMANY
      (pp. 27-32)

      The theme of loyalty towards the House of Habsburg has been subject to many historiographic interpretations since the Middle Ages, as dynastic historiography was a well-established trend in Austria. Court historiographers generally devoted their studies to the family genealogy, legal questions and diplomacy as well as to the heraldry of the House of Habsburg. Hormayr combined his interest in dynastic topics with the new trends in critical historiography as exemplified by several authors in Austria at the end of the eighteenth century, such as Marquard Herrgott (1694–1762), Adrian Rauch (1731–1802), and Franz Kurz (1771–1843). Herrgott, the Benedictine...

    • JOACHIM LELEWEL: LEGITIMACY OF THE POLISH NATION
      (pp. 33-41)

      The Polish post-1831 diaspora was deeply divided along the lines of political sympathies. The leader of the National Government from the times of the November Uprising, Adam Czartoryski, led its conservative-liberal wing. His group, known as Hôtel Lambert (from his Paris residence), put forward an ambitious foreign policy of the non-existing state, sponsored Polish cultural and scientific societies and tried to compete with Russia in its Balkan politics (see also Ilija Garašanin, The draft). On the extreme left of the Polish diaspora, radicals speculated about a classless society.

      Lelewel was perceived as the main representative of the moderate left—democratic...

    • MIHAIL KOGĂLNICEANU: SPEECH FOR THE OPENING OF THE COURSE ON NATIONAL HISTORY
      (pp. 42-49)

      The period preceding the Revolution of 1848 was marked in the Danubian Principalities (Moldavia and Wallachia) by profound transformations. When the war of Greek independence ended with the Treaty of Adrianople in 1829, Russia secured important provisions for Moldavia and Wallachia. The ‘Divans’ (councils of boyars) became part of the administration, and the princes were now elected by the boyars for a fixed term of seven years. The ‘Divans’ were also commissioned to draw up new constitutions for Wallachia and Moldavia. In 1831 and 1832 Regulamentele Organice (Organic Statutes) were introduced by the Russian occupation (1828–1834), and these sets...

    • FRANTIŠEK PALACKÝ: HISTORY OF THE CZECH NATION IN BOHEMIA AND MORAVIA
      (pp. 50-56)

      At the beginning of the nineteenth century the paradigm of historical science in Europe shifted from Enlightenment universalism towards the individuality of historical phenomena and the Herderian Geist of the nations. At the same time, historical writings reached the growing bourgeois public and turned into an important tool for social emancipation and national mobilization. With a certain time lag, the basic principles of methodological historicism and Romantic ideas about history found fertile soil in Bohemia as well. Whereas the previous generations of scholars concentrated on the history of the country, matching it with the enlightened Landespatriotismus, the new generation of...

    • MIHÁLY HORVÁTH: HISTORY OF THE HUNGARIAN WAR OF INDEPENDENCE OF 1848–1849
      (pp. 57-64)

      Hungarian historiography at the beginning of the nineteenth century was marked by a duality—a more professional genre of ‘official historiography’ written mostly in Latin and German and usually marked by an emphatically pro-Habsburg perspective (for example, the works of Johann Christian Engel), and a more popular genre written in the vernacular but falling short of the more strictly conceived criteria of scientific historiography (for example, the Magyar századok—‘Hungarian centuries’—by Benedek Virág). The situation changed dramatically by the 1830s, with the new wave of liberal nationalist historians writing in Hungarian. Mihály Horváth emerged, in the mid-1830s, as the...

    • JAKUB MALÝ: OUR NATIONAL REBIRTH
      (pp. 65-71)

      In the 1860s two factions emerged in the Czech liberal nationalist camp: a conservative one, and a liberal one with more radical nationalist rhetoric. The latter established itself institutionally in 1874, breaking off from the ‘Old Czech Party’ (the National Party) and founding the new ‘Young Czech Party’ (officially, the National Liberal Party). Led by František Ladislav Rieger, the Old Czech Party resumed its activity in the Imperial Diet in October 1879 after renouncing the politics of ‘passive resistance.’ They joined ‘the Iron Circle of the Right’ of Prime Minister Eduard Taaffe and followed the politics of ‘gradual gains.’ Some...

    • CONSTANTINOS PAPARRIGOPOULOS: HISTORY OF THE HELLENIC NATION
      (pp. 72-80)
      Mary Kitroeff

      The concept of the ‘Hellenic’ state as elaborated in Western Europe presupposed that this was to be the heir to the ancient Greek (Hellenic) world. Since it occupied the same territory, and this territory had been liberated after the uprising of the Christian population claiming to be their descendants, it should—it was assumed—share the same culture and the same language as its ancient ancestors. Indeed, the newly born ‘Hellenic’ state originally based its legitimacy on this heritage. However, it had to undertake a difficult struggle to convince European public opinion of the validity of its claims. Moreover, the...

    • JOVAN JOVANOVIĆ ZMAJ: BRIGHT GRAVES, GRANDFATHER AND GRANDSON
      (pp. 81-86)

      Together with Đura Jakšić and Laza Kostić, Jovan Jovanović Zmaj is one of the most important figures of Serbian romantic literature. He was also politically engaged, sympathizing with the ideas of the ‘United Serbian Youth,’ a movement which attracted a number of influential figures in Serbian public life in the period of the 1860–1870s. These included the politicians Svetozar Miletić, Svetozar Marković, Jevrem Grujić; the historians Stojan Novaković, Vasa Pelagić; and the political writer Vladimir Jovanović. The prominent literary critic, Jovan Skerlić (1877–1914), went so far as to argue that the whole of Serbian romantic literature, which also...

    • IVAN VAZOV: UNDER THE YOKE
      (pp. 87-93)

      ‘Under the yoke’ is the most famous Bulgarian novel both in Bulgaria and abroad. It commemorates the April Uprising of 1876, the culmination of the Bulgarian revolutionary movement. After Vasil Levski’s death in 1873, the BRCC (Bulgarian Revolutionary Central Committee) continued preparations for a national uprising and, using the structure of revolutionary committees established by Levski, formed a well-organized and centralized conspiratory network, divided into four regions. The most active of these was the Balkan valley region (and, more generally, Southern Bulgaria), which also played a crucial role during the whole ‘National Revival’ period. The uprising broke out in Koprivshtitza,...

    • NAMIK KEMAL: OTTOMAN HISTORY
      (pp. 94-100)

      While drafting his major work on Ottoman history, the Osmanlı Tarihi, the Young Ottoman apostle Namık Kemal revealed in a letter to one of his friends that his current intellectual preoccupation was “not literature itself but investigation,” through which, he claimed, he was “reconstituting Ottoman history.” Indeed the period known as the Tanzimat witnessed a gradual transformation in the Ottoman practice of history writing whereby the novel standards of ‘objectivity’ and documentary accuracy were eagerly espoused by a new generation of Ottoman authors. In fact, the task of “reconstituting” Ottoman history to which Namık Kemal alluded not only pertained to...

  5. Chapter II. Spirit of the Nation:: Customs, Language, Religion
    • JOSEF JUNGMANN: SECOND CONVERSATION CONCERNING THE CZECH LANGUAGE
      (pp. 101-111)

      At the beginning of the nineteenth century, the new Romantic concept of ‘nation’ that was developed in Western Europe began to spread among Czech and Bohemian German elites. The ideas that appeared in German-speaking areas (Jakob Grimm, Friedrich Schlegel), treating the vernacular language as a stable community-building element (in contrast to the changing political order) and the only way to raise the education of humankind, naturally found fertile soil in Bohemia as well. This was supplemented by a new vision, emerging from the French Revolution, defining the nation as an entity unified by the quest for freedom.

      Josef Jungmann was...

    • VUK STEFANOVIĆ KARADŽIĆ: LITTLE SLAVO-SERBIAN SONG BOOK OF THE COMMON PEOPLE
      (pp. 112-116)

      The ‘Little Slavo-Serbian song book’ is the first collection of folk poems published by Vuk Stefanović Karadžić; it accompanied his linguistic reforms, which aimed at turning the vernacular into a literary language—simplifying its orthography and giving it a phonetic character (with one sound corresponding to each character). In the socio-political realm, his work significantly contributed to the forming of the Serbian national project and, albeit non-programmatically, to the Yugoslav one (Karadžić based his reform of the literary standard on a dialect spoken in Herzegovina called Štokavian, which was understood by most Serbs and Croats). The publication of this book...

    • FERENC KÖLCSEY: NATIONAL TRADITIONS, HYMN
      (pp. 117-125)

      After the boom of the 1780–90s, the first fifteen years of the nineteenth century were characterized by cultural inertia due to the unfavorable political conditions in the Habsburg Empire. The reactivation of the Hungarian national movement became noticeable in the mid-1810s, when the project of creating a ‘national literature’ received new inspiration from romantic aesthetic ideas, though it also integrated a plethora of elements from the Enlightenment and the classicist literary tradition. The transformation of Kölcsey’s poetic style and aesthetic views document the complex transition from Classicism to Romanticism. In his ‘Letters from Lasztóc’ (1817), in which he drew...

    • MAURYCY MOCHNACKI: THOUGHTS ON HOW THE TRANSLATION OF FOREIGN BELLES-LETTRES INFLUENCES POLISH LITERATURE
      (pp. 126-131)

      In the years following the debut of Adam Mickiewicz’s Ballady i romanse (in the volume Poezje, 1822), one part of the Polish cultural elite felt offended by the new literary style for its neglect of classical meter and for composing unconventional plots. But at the same time, groups of younger scholars and students at the universities in Warsaw, Cracow and Wilno (Lit. Vilnius) turned away from literary classicism and the moderate political stance of the previous generation. The controversies were often summarized in a simplified formula: enlightened reason vs. romantic sentiment, to be accompanied soon by another conflict: loyalty vs....

    • CHARLES SEALSFIELD: AUSTRIA AS IT IS
      (pp. 132-137)

      Between 1815 and 1848 the political and cultural life of the Austrian Empire was marked by two intertwining phenomena. On the one hand, conservatism and the anti-revolutionary policies devised by Prince Metternich (1773– 1859) dominated the political sphere. On the other hand, the style known as ‘Biedermeier’ (initially the name of a fictional character, invented by the Swabian humorist Ludwig Eichrodt in 1855 to express the pious and composed character of the civic culture in the Austrian Empire before 1848) characterized cultural life. Metternich began his career under Francis II (I), the last emperor of the Holy Roman Empire (1792...

    • DIMITRIOS VYZANTIOS: BABEL, OR THE LOCAL DISTORTION OF THE GREEK LANGUAGE
      (pp. 138-142)

      Between 1824 and 1825, the Greek War of Independence went through a crisis due to civil wars between the temporary revolutionary government and prominent military leaders. Moreover, Sultan Mahmud II, after the Janissaries’ failure to suppress the uprising, called on the assistance of Muhammad Ali, the semi-independent governor of Egypt. Muhammad Ali sent his son Ibrahim with a fleet to the Morea. In a short period of time, Ibrahim managed to eliminate almost all resistance and came very close to a final suppression of the uprising. However, the Great Powers considered that such a development would not serve their interests....

    • HENRYK RZEWUSKI: MORAL VARIETIES
      (pp. 143-147)

      The following text represents a pro-Russian political program in radical contrast to the plans and proclamations of the Polish democratic émigrés. In the 1840s Henryk Rzewuski belonged to the so-called Koteria Petersburska (‘St. Petersburg coterie,’ a conservative circle around the gazette Tygodnik Petersburski), which declared its full support for the tsar’s policies. Using an organicist language to describe ‘national existence,’ he made the shocking pronouncement that Poland was dead because she no longer had a raison d’être. He argued that the attempts to reform the Rzeczpospolita during the Enlightenment failed, thus ending Poland’s political existence and and depriving her of...

    • ĽUDOVÍT ŠTÚR: THE SLOVAK DIALECT, OR THE NECESSITY OF WRITING IN THIS DIALECT
      (pp. 148-153)

      During the Hungarian Reform Age (1825–1848), the Magyar political leadership sought to reformulate the traditional natio hungarica—referring originally to the Hungarian nobility—into a notion of a modern political nation embracing all ethnic communities living on the territory of ‘St. Stephen’s Crown.’ However, their efforts to centralize the state and to establish Magyar as the language of official communication provoked negative reactions among non-Magyar peoples and strengthened their emancipatory aspirations. For the emerging Slovak intelligentsia this development encouraged the endeavor to unify the two major confessional streams, Catholic and Lutheran, in the Slovak national movement. The former, representing...

    • JEVREM GRUJIĆ AND MILOVAN JANKOVIĆ: SOUTH SLAVS, OR THE SERBIAN NATION WITH THE CROATS AND THE BULGARIANS
      (pp. 154-159)

      Jevrem Grujić was among the first Serbian students who were sent on state grants to study at West European universities during the 1840s and 1850s. The members of this generation of students liked to differentiate themselves from the Serbian intelligentsia and state functionaries ‘imported’ from neighboring Austria and educated mainly at German-speaking universities, whom they resentfully called “nemačkari.” This first generation of Serbian-born intelligentsia, being educated mainly in France, perceived themselves as the true transmitters of Western political and cultural models and as mediators of Western ideological influence. They returned to Serbia with the firm conviction that their state could...

    • SIMION BĂRNUŢIU: THE PUBLIC LAW OF THE ROMANIANS
      (pp. 160-167)

      The revolution of 1848 in Hungary and Transylvania was a test for both Hungarian and Romanian nationalisms. When the Hungarian Diet opened in March 1848, Lajos Kossuth (1802–1894) demanded a new constitutional relationship between the Crown and the Diet. After the initial success of the revolution in Vienna and a series of demonstrations in Pest, Emperor Ferdinand (r. 1835–1848) could not oppose the Hungarian revolutionaries.

      Having secured its autonomous power, the Hungarian Diet then passed the ‘April Laws.’ According to these laws, all males aged 20 years or over who met certain property requirements could vote in elections...

    • DORA D’ISTRIA: THE ALBANIAN NATIONALITY ON THE BASIS OF POPULAR SONGS
      (pp. 168-173)

      Towards the end of eighteenth century, under the influence of the ideas of German romanticism, the attention of scholars and teachers throughout Southeast Europe was directed towards the heritage of folklore. One of the most famous collectors and scholars at that time was the Serbian Vuk Karadžić, whose work inspired many others.

      In the Albanian case, a crucial role was played by the Albanian diaspora in south Italy and Sicily. After the death of Skanderbeg (Alb. Gjergj Kastrioti Skënderbeu) in 1468, many members of the Catholic Albanian nobility, followed by large parts of the population, fled from the Albanian-inhabited lands,...

    • OSMAN HAMDİ BEY AND VICTOR MARIE DE LAUNAY: THE POPULAR COSTUMES OF TURKEY IN 1873
      (pp. 174-180)

      The Elbise-i ‛Osmaniyye/Les Costumes populaires de la Turquie is a photographic album of traditional Ottoman dress commissioned by the Ottoman government on the occasion of the 1873 World Exposition in Vienna. The Elbise comprises seventy-four photographic plates, each featuring a group of live models displaying regional outfits. The plates are organized under three main sections (the European Territories, the Aegean/Mediterranean Islands and the Asian/African Territories) that are subdivided into twenty two units according to the provincial divisions of the empire. Each plate (carrying explanatory headings in Ottoman Turkish) is supplemented by texts written in French, providing detailed comments about the...

    • STEFAN VERKOVICH: VEDA SLOVENA
      (pp. 181-187)

      Verkovich had a complex background: born in Bosnia, he received a Catholic education, but gradually he came to identify himself with the South-Slav and later with the Bulgarian ‘cause.’ From this point of view his development was similar to that of Jurij Venelin, who was Ruthenian by origin. The cases of Verkovich and Venelin can be perceived as symptomatic of the process of construction of the national consciousness in the period of Romanticism. Verkovich is also one of the main examples of the relationship of subordination between national and regional layers of identity.

      Veda Slovena is a supposed South-Slav epos,...

    • TEODOSIJ GOLOGANOV: LETTER ON THE RENEWAL OF THE ARCHBISHOPRIC OF OHRID
      (pp. 188-193)
      Nikola Iordanovski

      The existence of an archbishopric in Ohrid dates back to the eleventh century. Within the Orthodox ecclesiastic structure it had always enjoyed a certain degree of autonomy. The number of its eparchies kept changing—with a tendency to shrink to the advantage of the Bulgarian and Serbian churches—but it kept the core of its property and its privileged status even after the territories under its jurisdiction fell into the hands of the Ottomans (at the end of the fourteenth century). Although the priests were of Slavic origin its higher clergy consisted of Greeks, and the Greek language was used...

    • MIHAI EMINESCU: POLITICAL ARTICLES
      (pp. 194-202)

      Romania gained independence in 1878 and was proclaimed a kingdom in 1881. The international consolidation of the new state was matched by a series of domestic reforms. Moreover, Romanian politics experienced a period of ideological consolidation, during which two main political groups emerged: liberal and conservative. The Liberal Party was formed in 1875. It claimed to represent the revolutionary tradition of 1848 and advocated the modernization of Romanian society based on the Western European model. The establishment of the Conservative Party followed in 1876. It invoked the autochthonous Romanian tradition as its main source of legitimacy and urged that Romania’s...

  6. Chapter III. The Nationalization of Space
    • JÁN KOLLÁR: THE DAUGHTER OF SLÁVA
      (pp. 203-210)

      Interest in Slavic studies appeared among scholars in Central and Eastern Europe as early as the last third of the eighteenth century. It was not completely new, a vague ‘Slav’ consciousness having existed in the region as well as in the West Balkans (in the form of Illyrism) for centuries. From now on, however, Slavism in various forms started to be a subject of systematic studies and later even cultural and political thinking. In Bohemia the greatest promoter of this endeavor was the Czech linguist and literary historian Josef Dobrovský. If his approach can be characterized as a predominantly scholarly...

    • ADAM MICKIEWICZ: PAN TADEUSZ
      (pp. 211-223)

      Pan Tadeusz reflects the bitter disappointment of Polish émigrés after the collapse of the ‘November Uprising’ (1830–1831). During the first years of their exile, they hoped that the independence of Poland could be restored within months, or at most a couple of years. As years passed and the hope of freedom for Poland receded, they became more nostalgic. Pan Tadeusz is a reevaluation of the national past, and in particular the heritage of the Polish- Lithuanian Commonwealth, in all its splendor (though seen in a peripheral village) and comic traits. Unlike the bitter accusations against the archaic system of...

    • ISTVÁN SZÉCHENYI: HUNNIA
      (pp. 224-229)

      Széchenyi’s political philosophy is based on the notion of the accumulative progress of civility characteristic of the British (and preeminently the Scottish) Enlightenment. He sees the road to national recovery as a process of ‘polishing’ the manners of the community. Civilization “conquers in due time even the most tyrannical power”; therefore, the task should be to create a specifically Hungarian form of civilization, otherwise social progress might affect “a deadly blow on our originality and peculiarity.” In the 1830s and 1840s he formulated a program of enhancing communication through means both formal (such as credit institutions, and the development of...

    • LJUDEVIT GAJ: PROCLAMATIONS
      (pp. 230-237)

      During the Josephinian period the impact of the Enlightenment in the Kingdoms of Croatia and Slavonia and the Military Border was limited to school reforms and learned historiographical, literary and philological debates. The latter excluded the majority of the population from its communicative network because of their use of non-vernacular languages such as Latin and German. Still, in order to make the Enlightenment successful as a cultural process, a supra-local discursive network and an institutionalized public sphere had to be established, in which a weekly newspaper was regarded as a proper means for popular enlightenment. The earliest newspapers in the...

    • ILIJA GARAŠANIN: THE DRAFT
      (pp. 238-243)

      Načertanije represents the carefully elaborated draft of a Serbian foreign policy program. It consists of an introductory part followed by two chapters entitled ‘The policy of Serbia’ and ‘Which means could be used to achieve the goal of Serbian policy?’ The Introduction and the first part represent the core of the document where the basic ideas about the future expansion of the Serbian state are presented. In the latter part of the document, basic ideas about the Serbian propaganda policy are outlined.

      Načertanije is the first written national program in Serbia. It was kept secret until 1888 when it was...

    • IOANNIS KOLETTIS: OF THIS GREAT IDEA
      (pp. 244-248)

      During the Greek War of Independence, uprisings broke out in many regions of the Balkans. However, most of them were eventually suppressed and the revolutionary movement managed to hold out only in the Peloponnese and Central Greece. Therefore, after the foundation of the Hellenic state in 1830, only these regions were included within its boundaries. From the Greek point of view, despite the miserable conditions in the newly born state, its boundaries were considered temporary. From the enthronement of the first king of Greece, the Bavarian Prince Otto (r. 1832–1862), until the defeat in the Greek-Turkish War of 1919...

    • KAREL HAVLÍČEK BOROVSKÝ: THE SLAV AND THE CZECH
      (pp. 249-254)

      The ‘Slav idea’ was present from the very beginning of the modern Czech national movement, but its content changed in the course of time. After the scholarly interest of Josef Dobrovský at the turn of the nineteenth century, Ján Kollár’s cultural concept of a Slav nation predominated in the first decades of the nineteenth century (see Ján Kollár, The Daughter of Sláva). Although not every patriot who wanted to revive the Czech language was a devotee of ‘Slav reciprocity’, Kollár’s idea became generally accepted. In the period of the political differentiation among the Czech bourgeoisie (during the 1830s and 1840s),...

    • PETITION TO THE EMPEROR AGAINST THE UNIFICATION OF BOHEMIA AND MORAVIA
      (pp. 255-261)

      Moravia has been one of the historical lands of the Bohemian Crown since the eleventh century. Ever since the early Middle Ages, however, when it was raised to a margraviate, it had its own administrative system and Diet. Since the mid-fifteenth century Bohemia and Moravia had been formally united, but administration remained divided and Moravia and Bohemia occasionally each had a different ruler, though most often it was someone from the same ruling dynasty. At the end of the eighteenth century, and again in the period between the two world wars, Moravia was administratively united with the Czechoslovak part of...

    • JOHANN MAJLÁTH: AN EXAMINATION OF THE QUESTION: WHETHER TO ANNEX THE CARPATHIAN SLAVS AND RUTHENIANS TO THE MAGYARS
      (pp. 262-267)
      Pavol Lukáč

      Federalism was a principle of re-organization contemplated by different political camps in the 1840s, usually promoted by circles opposed to the Habsburg Court. The revolutionary atmosphere in 1848 created a space in which these programs and their political, social and cultural consequences were discussed. The federalization of the monarchy, promoted especially by the Slavic nations and the Romanians, was seen for some time as a possible way out of the current crisis. The principles of federalization as well as the concrete design of the future state were earnestly discussed not only on the floor of the Imperial Diet in Kremsier...

    • LAJOS KOSSUTH: PROPOSAL. CONCERNING THE FUTURE POLITICAL ESTABLISHMENT OF HUNGARY
      (pp. 268-276)
      Dávid Oláh

      Soon after the initial enthusiasm for the revolution in March 1848, the Hungarian liberal nationalist leadership had to face growing discontent on the part of considerable segments of the nationalities of the country, who expected it to acknowledge not only their individual civil rights but also their right to form a separate national body with territorial self-government. At the outset the Hungarian revolutionaries perceived these demands as opposed to the sweeping measures of modernization they proposed, and blamed the elites of these nationalities for sticking to their purported “feudal privileges” instead of accepting the Hungarian liberal offer and together with...

    • ALECU RUSSO: THE SONG OF ROMANIA
      (pp. 277-283)

      The Revolution of 1848 in the Danubian Principalities was mainly the work of liberal intellectuals, or the ‘48-ers’ (‘paşoptişti’), as they are known in Romanian historiography. They had studied abroad and came to maturity in the 1840s. Their contact with Western Europe proved decisive in shaping their mentality and political visions. They identified civilization and progress with the European societies they visited during their studies.

      France played a special role in the process of representing European culture and civilization as the model to emulate within the Danubian Principalities. It was not only French culture that Romanians felt most close to,...

    • PETAR BERON: SLAVIC PHILOSOPHY
      (pp. 284-290)

      Even if Beron’s scientific works are closely related to contemporary positivistic trends in the sciences, he combines his research interests with the rationalist and humanist ideas of the Enlightenment, which also affected his cultural program for a national revival (although his direct influence on the Bulgarian national revival is represented primarily by the small textbook he published in his youth). His more fundamental works, written and published abroad, did not influence cultural life in the Bulgarian lands. These books represent a curious mixture of positivism with a type of pantheistic vision that recalls the late Schelling. Beron’s terminology was to...

    • AHMED MİDHAT EFENDİ: THE BASIS OF REFORM
      (pp. 291-296)

      The Üss-i İnkilab consists of two volumes. The first volume, from which the translated passages are taken, was published during the second year of Sultan Abdülhamid’s reign. Starting with a fascinating historical overview about the emergence of the Ottoman polity, the bulk of this volume comprises a detailed account of the political events of the Tanzimat years. The second volume, published in 1878, entirely recounts the events of the Hamidian era, publicizing the accomplishments of the new sultan in a celebratory tone. The years in which these two volumes were published mark a critical turning point in late Ottoman history....

    • SAMI FRASHËRI: ALBANIA, WHAT IT WAS, WHAT IT IS AND WHAT IT WILL BE?
      (pp. 297-304)

      The last decade of the nineteenth century was a relatively calm period in the southwest regions of the Balkans. For Albanian activists, though, it was a period of intense agitation. With the opening of the first schools which offered education in Albanian (the first one was established in Korça in 1887), greater efforts were dedicated to education. The Albanian diaspora in Bucharest undertook the important task of supporting these schools materially but also providing a large range of publications. After the founding of Shoqëria ‘Dituria’ (‘Knowledge’ Society), this activity became institutionalized and more consistent. It was at the printing house...

  7. Chapter IV. The Nation and Its Neighbors in Europe:: Problems of Coexistence
    • MARKOS RENIERIS: WHAT IS GREECE? WEST OR EAST?
      (pp. 305-314)

      With the foundation of the Hellenic state and the nomination of the Bavarian Prince Otto as the first king of Greece in 1832, the obsession with antiquity, already widespread among the Greeks, became the core of state policy. The glory of the ancient Greeks was assumed to provide inspiration on the path to cultural, political and administrative development. It might seem paradoxical that attachment to ancient culture could be thought to contribute to a modernizing project. However, this paradox can be resolved if we consider the pro-European character of this discourse. The new state did not attach itself to the...

    • VIKTOR VON ANDRIAN-WERBURG: AUSTRIA AND HER FUTURE
      (pp. 315-321)
      Robert Russell

      In 1848 the Czech national movement finally went beyond being a prevalently cultural endeavor and entered the political arena. The main aims of the political agenda of the Czech liberals (František Palacký, František Ladislav Rieger, Karel Havlíček, František Augustin Brauner) were to achieve the establishment of a constitutional system and to gain political autonomy for the Czechs in the Habsburg Empire. Palacký, a well-known scholar in the German-speaking world, was invited to take part in the ‘Board of Fifty’ in Frankfurt that was charged with the preparation of the German constituent assembly.

      The main reason for this invitation was to...

    • FRANTIŠEK PALACKÝ: LETTER TO FRANKFURT, 11 APRIL 1848
      (pp. 322-329)

      In 1848 the Czech national movement finally went beyond being a prevalently cultural endeavor and entered the political arena. The main aims of the political agenda of the Czech liberals (František Palacký, František Ladislav Rieger, Karel Havlí ek , František Augustin Brauner) were to achieve the establishment of a constitutional system and to gain political autonomy for the Czechs in the Habsburg Empire. Palacký, a well-known scholar in the German-speaking world, was invited to take part in the ‘Board of Fifty’ in Frankfurt that was charged with the preparation of the German constituent assembly.

      The main reason for this invitation...

    • MIKLÓS WESSELÉNYI: ORATION ON THE MATTER OF THE HUNGARIAN AND SLAVIC NATIONALITIES
      (pp. 330-338)

      The intellectual itinerary of Wesselényi is in many ways representative of the evolution of the Hungarian ‘liberal nationalism’ of the Reform Age. In the 1820s he subscribed to the vision of István Széchenyi, which sought to promote the social life of the nobility—with casinos, horse-races and cultural foundations—and also hoped to modernize the economical structure of the country by adopting new technologies and developing the infrastructure. In his political activities of the early 1830s, however, Wesselényi went beyond this program towards a more encompassing insitutional reform, and his stance towards Vienna became increasingly conflictual. Building on traditional oppositional...

    • JANKO DRAŠKOVIĆ: DISSERTATION, OR TREATISE
      (pp. 339-347)

      In 1784 Joseph II introduced German as the official language for the territory of the whole multi-national Habsburg Monarchy. The decision caused an enormous backlash, especially in the Kingdom of Hungary, where Latin was regarded as the constitutional language and the chief medium of public discourse throughout the realm. The argumentation of enlightened absolutism designated the use of Latin as the sign of ‘backwardness,’ due to its social exclusivity and incapacity to implement popular enlightenment, or Volksaufklärung, which required a living and polished vernacular. Hungarian patriots assumed that the language revival could be used as a means against the Josephist...

    • L’UDOVÍT ŠUHAJDA: MAGYARISM IN HUNGARY
      (pp. 348-353)

      During the first decades of the nineteenth century the development of nationalism in East Central Europe led from an interest in national language and culture to national mobilization and the formulation of a national political program aiming at some form of territorialization. In Hungary, a strong, independent and unified state came to be the main aim of gentry liberalism, supported also by the nascent bourgeoisie and intelligentsia. Despite their disapproval of the democratization of the Hungarian political system, some of the magnates who rejected the centralist policies of the Habsburg Court joined the liberals in their opposition to Vienna. The...

    • LAJOS MOCSÁRY: NATIONALITY
      (pp. 354-360)
      Dávid Oláh

      The 1848–1849 revolutionary fight from the moment it ended supplied a crucial myth of ‘national unity’ in Hungarian politics; yet it was also a traumatic experience. The leadership of the Revolution was unprepared for the complex interplay of social and ethnic differentiation catalyzed by the revolutionary upheaval among the other (especially Serbian, Croatian, Slovak, Romanian and Transylvanian Saxon) nationalities, which altogether made up more than half of the total population of the country. Although these communities were also divided along social, political, and often denominational lines, claims to some sort of national self-government projected onto a territorial framework were...

    • STEFAN BUSZCZYŃSKI: THE FUTURE OF AUSTRIA
      (pp. 361-365)

      From 1861 onwards, with the fall of neo-absolutism and the beginning of the constitutional period in Austria, the situation of Poles under Austrian rule considerably improved, and autonomy was granted to Galicia. It was given an elective legislature (Sejm Krajowy) and a provincial executive body (Wydział Krajowy). It is probably due precisely to their privileged position that, in the second half of the 1860s, Polish politicians did not support the Czech pro-federalist conception in the debate on the Austro- Hungarian Ausgleich. Instead, further political interventions of the Galician political elite, supported by public manifestations, led to the acceptance of the...

    • SVETOZAR MILETIĆ: THE EASTERN QUESTION
      (pp. 366-372)
      Krištof Bodrič

      Svetozar Miletić was one of the most influential ideological and political leaders of the Serbs living in the Habsburg lands. His enthusiasm for the ideas of liberal nationalism started during the 1840s, when he became acquainted with Pan-Slavic ideas. In 1848 Miletić figured as an editor of a magazine called Slavjanka, in which Serbian students in Hungary championed their ideas of national freedom. Miletić, full of revolutionary ardor, used to call himself the “Serbian Kossuth.” He was deeply disappointed with the outcome of the Revolution of 1848, which he considered a failed opportunity for attaining national liberation. For a while...

    • ION C. BRĂTIANU: NATIONALITY
      (pp. 373-379)

      The Romanian ‘generation of 1848’ considered the West and ‘civilized’ Europe as their political and cultural model. These intellectuals argued that the Western pattern of development should be introduced into the Danubian Principalities. Their ideas about politics were greatly influenced by the European liberal doctrines of the mid-nineteenth century, liberal nationalism being the political ideology they considered the most suitable for a modern Romanian state.

      In Le Peuple (1846) Jules Michelet advanced one of the most influential theories of liberal nationalism produced in the nineteenth century. The book discusses the economic and political transformations endured by Europe as it evolved...

    • MEMORANDUM OF THE SECRET CENTRAL BULGARIAN COMMITTEE
      (pp. 380-388)

      The SCBC (Secret Central Bulgarian Committee), established in Bucharest in 1866, was one of the most important Bulgarian political organizations before the creation of the Bulgarian Revolutionary Central Committee (see Hristo Botev, Hadji Dimiter and The hanging of Vasil Levski). In contrast to the previous period, the most important Bulgarian political organizations after the Crimean war were based in Russia and the Romanian principalities. Those based in Russia—such as the Virtuous Society (or ‘Committee of the Old’), created in 1862, and the Bulgarian Board of Trustees of Odessa, created in 1858—were of pro-Russian orientation and followed Russia’s Balkan...

  8. Chapter V. National Heroism:: Revolution and Counter-Revolution
    • DOSITEJ OBRADOVIĆ: RISE, O SERBIA
      (pp. 389-395)

      The First Serbian Uprising (1804–1813) (see Đorđe Petrović (Karađorđe), Letter to Petar Petrović Njegoš) had broken out in defense of the lost rights to administrative self-rule and securing order that had been granted by the central Ottoman authority to the Belgrade Pashalik in the late-eighteenth century but which had been swept away by the reign of terror of the dahiye.¹ The impetus, ideological as well as material, for the gradual transformation of the revolt into what later became generally distinguished as a ‘national revolution,’ came to a very large extent from the Serbian diaspora in the Habsburg domains. The...

    • ALEXANDROS YPSILANTIS: FIGHT FOR FAITH AND MOTHERLAND!
      (pp. 396-402)

      The Napoleonic wars (1797–1814) proved profitable for Greek-Orthodox artisans, seamen and merchants who had settled in southeast Russia and the Danubian Principalities. The continental blockade imposed by the British offered to courageous entrepreneurs ample opportunities to be involved in smuggling. However, Napoleon’s defeat put an end to these favorable circumstances and drove these groups into bankruptcy. It was under these social and economic conditions that in 1814 in Odessa three bankrupt merchants— Nikolaos Skoufas, Andreas Tsakalof and Emmanouil Xanthos—founded the Philiki Etairia. The three merchants, like many others, found themselves in an awkward position. They were members of...

    • DIONYSIOS SOLOMOS: HYMN TO LIBERTY
      (pp. 403-407)

      Upon the annexation of the Ionian Islands—the complex of seven islands close to the west coast of today’s mainland Greece—by the French Republic in 1799, the feudal system there was abolished; the ‘libro d’oro’ (the golden book), where the family trees of the nobility were listed, was burnt; and the ‘popolari,’ the bourgeois groups which had fought against the nobility, came to power. In 1803 the new constitution clearly defined its aim to terminate feudalism and to organize a political system based on limited and oligarchic authority. Eventually, after the Congress of Vienna, the Ionian Islands came under...

    • ADAM MICKIEWICZ: “PROPHECIES”
      (pp. 408-420)
      Dziady

      In their works on ‘native’ themes, either political and philosophical treaties or literary works, Polish émigrés often referred to the world of politics, situating the Polish case within the framework of a universal struggle for freedom. Thus, Polish romantic literature in many ways functioned as the metapolitical manifesto of a democratic ideology. The following works by Mickiewicz represent a literary reaction to the failure of the November Uprising (1830–1831) and the loss of autonomy of the Congress Kingdom. Ksiêgi narodu i pielgrzymstwa polskiego opened a new phase in the evolution of Mickiewicz’s ideology. The text gained fame as the...

    • HENRYK KAMIEŃSKI: VITAL TRUTHS OF THE POLISH NATION
      (pp. 421-427)

      Kamieñski’s text originates in the political debates of the Polish émigrés in the wake of the collapse of the November Uprising (1830–1831). The crucial question, which numerous political and literary writings attempted to answer, concerned the cause of the failure. The overwhelming majority of the émigrés rejected the explanation in terms of Russian military superiority and searched for internal causes. The most critical assessment of the events was provided by publicists of radical democratic convictions. Among these exiles, a new political movement was formed: the Towarzystwo Demokratyczne Polskie (Polish Democratic Society). Kamieński’s book, which fused the struggle for independence...

    • PETAR II PETROVIĆ NJEGOŠ: THE MOUNTAIN WREATH
      (pp. 428-435)

      Gorski vijenac was published in 1847, in the same year as the second edition of the Srpski rječnik (Serbian Dictionary) of Vuk Stefanović Karadžić, the important language and cultural reformer, and Rat za srpski jezik i pravopis (The struggle for the Serbian language and spelling) by Đura Daničić. What was significant about these three books was the fact that all were written in the vernacular language (narodni jezik). This differed significantly from the more elitist Slavo-Serbian idiom, a late eighteenth-century ‘literary language’ combining Church Slavonic, the popular idiom and many borrowings from Russian, coined by the emigrant Serbian clergy in...

    • FRANZ GRILLPARZER: FIELD-MARSHAL RADETZKY
      (pp. 436-439)

      The revolution of 1848 put an end to the Metternich regime in Austria. If in Vienna revolutionaries were mainly concerned with overthrowing Metternich, other national groups of the Empire, such as Hungarians, Czechs, Italians and Romanians, were rather preoccupied with achieving their national demands. Many Austrian intellectuals, although sympathetic to the ideals of the revolution, considered the demands for national independence expressed by other nations during the revolution of 1848 as undermining the very existence of the Austrian Empire. They thus welcomed the victories of the imperial army under Josef Radetzky (1766–1858) against the Italian revolutionaries. For the supporters...

    • SÁNDOR PETŐFI: NATIONAL SONG
      (pp. 440-444)

      In the 1840s the Hungarian reform movement underwent a process of radicalization, culminating in the outbreak of the Revolution in March 1848 and the subsequent establishment of the first modern representative government in Hungary, which in turn was followed by the revolutionary war against Vienna. The Revolution also brought about the triumph of a circle of young intellectuals of radical democratic convictions, usually referred to as the ‘March Youth,’ who emerged as a powerful cultural and political lobbygroup in the mid-1840s. In contrast to the previous generation of liberal politicians stemming from the middle nobility and the country-gentry, these radicals...

    • REQUESTS OF THE SLOVAK NATION
      (pp. 445-450)

      By the mid-1840s, three complex problems crystallized in the Hungarian part of the Habsburg Monarchy, namely, the need to dismantle the Metternichian bureaucratic centralism, the inevitable reform of the feudal socioeconomic structures and, finally, the necessity to deal with the nationality question. Hungarian reformers called for modernization and Hungary’s administrative and economic emancipation from Vienna, envisioning a modern Hungary as a unified nation with a standardized language and a unified educational system. The steps towards creating a Hungarian nation-state provoked counter-reactions among many of the other ethnic groups living in Hungary, including the Slovaks.

      The second half of the 1840s...

    • JEVREM GRUJIĆ: A VISION OF THE STATE
      (pp. 451-454)

      Jevrem Grujić belonged to the first generation of Serbian students who studied abroad, and returned home bringing the European ideals of democracy, constitutionalism and civic liberties. Grujić participated in founding the ‘Association of Serbian Youth,’ a group which nurtured and transmitted ideas of liberal nationalism and Slavic unity. The Association was modeled after the revolutionary and literary youth organizations of the period that had been set up throughout Central and Western Europe. Gruji æ was sensitive to the revolutionary vibrations of the time; he cooperated with the Serbian youth movement in Hungary and participated in the events of 1848 in...

    • ZSIGMOND KEMÉNY: AFTER THE REVOLUTION
      (pp. 455-462)

      The Transylvanian aristocrat and writer Zsigmond Kemény was a supporter of the liberal movement in the 1840s, developing a reformist program convergent with that of the ‘Centralists’ around József Eötvös. Though he served the revolutionary government until the very end, he grew increasingly disenchanted as the revolution radicalized, blaming Kossuth for abandoning the more organic style of reform and for subordinating the common good to his personal “dictatorial aspirations.” After the collapse of the revolution Kemény’s was among the first critical voices to be heard in the midst of collective trauma and Austrian reprisals. Kemény positioned himself in a very...

    • NICOLAE BǍLCESCU: THE COURSE OF REVOLUTION IN THE HISTORY OF THE ROMANIANS
      (pp. 463-472)

      The revolution of 1848 in Wallachia was better planned than the one in Moldavia. In June 1848 a committee of intellectuals, liberal boyars and sympathetic army commanders placed deputies in various towns so that the uprising might begin in several places at once. They issued a revolutionary proclamation, ‘Proclamation of Izlaz,’ which outlined their main political and social demands. These demands dealt with four issues: civil liberties; internal political changes; social and economic reforms; and independence from foreign rule. The revolution soon escalated in Bucharest, and Prince Gheorghe Bibescu (r. 1842–1848) was forced to accept a new constitution before...

    • HRISTO BOTEV: HADJI DIMITER, THE HANGING OF VASIL LEVSKI
      (pp. 473-477)

      Revolutionary poetry, one of the most influential and popular genres in the nineteenth century, stimulated the feeling of national belonging in the period of ‘national revivals’ in Southeast Europe. The genre of the revolutionary poem, emblematic for Bulgarian Romanticism, drew on the tradition of ‘heroic’ folksongs. The relationship between folksongs and poetry was doublesided. On the one hand, Bulgarian Romantic poets exploited folkloric material (on a thematic and rhetoric level, and on the level of versification as well), as a result of which the genre of revolutionary poetry was situated between high literature and popular culture. On the other hand,...

    • TWO MACEDONIAN MANIFESTOS
      (pp. 478-485)

      In the nineteenth century the peoples in the Balkans realized that the situation within the Ottoman Empire would change substantially only after active intervention by the Great Powers. The international crisis connected with the Eastern Question brought hopes that the Russian armies after another victorious campaign would convince the sultan to grant autonomy to its Christian subjects—the first step towards full independence. The established pattern of (Christian) uprisings and (Turkish) retaliatory massacres leading to different forms of outside pressure, a probable war and an even more probable conference (or congress), always depended on many unpredictable factors in the mechanism...

    • NAMIK KEMAL: MOTHERLAND, OR SILISTRA
      (pp. 486-493)

      This play, seminal in the propagation of an Ottomanist national consciousness among the wider Ottoman populace, was written and performed at a time when the Balkan provinces of the Empire were simmering with revolt. Vatan is set at the time of the Crimean War (1853–56), and narrates the story of a group of Muslim Ottoman civilians who volunteer to join the army in defense of the castle of Silistra (now in northern Bulgaria) that was besieged by the Russian army. It must be noted that the evocation of the Crimean War, and in particular the siege of Silistra (1854),...

    • MEHMED AKİF: HYMN TO INDEPENDENCE
      (pp. 494-498)

      In October 1920, only months after the inauguration of the national parliament in Ankara, local newspapers announced the guidelines of a poetry competition organized by the newly established Ministry of Education. The objective of the competition was to select a poem, defined from the start as the “Hymn to Independence,” that would best represent the aims of the national resistance movement and appeal to the public as a token of their national struggle. When none of the 724 works submitted to the contest were found worthy of adoption by the national parliament, Mehmed Akif (who had declined to join the...