Modernism

Modernism: The Creation of Nation-States

Ahmet Ersoy
Maciej Górny
Vangelis Kechriotis
Volume: 3/1
Copyright Date: 2010
Edition: NED - New edition, 1
Pages: 497
https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7829/j.ctt128226
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  • Book Info
    Modernism
    Book Description:

    This volume presents and illustrates the development of the ideologies of nation states, the “modern” successors of former empires. They exemplify the use modernist ideological framaeworks, from liberalism to socialism, in the context of the fundamental reconfiguration of the political system in this part of Europe between the 1860s and the 1930s. It also gives a panorama of the various solutions proposed for the national question in the region.

    eISBN: 978-615-5211-93-5
    Subjects: Political Science

Table of Contents

  1. Front Matter
    (pp. i-vi)
  2. Table of Contents
    (pp. vii-x)
  3. INTRODUCTION
    (pp. 1-22)

    The present double volume is the third one of the series entitled Discourses of Collective Identity in Central and Southeast Europe (1770–1945): Texts and Commentaries. The history of this venture goes back to the meeting of a group of young scholars at the Balkan Summer University in Plovdiv in 1999. Step by step, a research project, hosted by the Center for Advanced Study Sofia, was formed with the intention of bringing together and making accessible basic texts of the respective national traditions. The ensuing ‘Reader’ was envisioned as a challenge to the self-centered and ‘isolationist’ historical narratives and educational...

  4. CHAPTER I. MAKING OF THE MODERN STATE IN A MULTI-NATIONAL CONTEXT
    (pp. 23-116)

    Having left active politics in the 1850s, Palacký resumed his activity after the imposed constitution, the ‘October Diploma,’ was promulgated in 1860. Referring to the October Diploma, he suggested that the federalization of Austria should be implemented. Such hopes, however, faded after the constitution of 1861, the ‘February Patent.’ The government set out to work with the German liberals and the Austrian pro-constitution nobility, while Czech liberals began to coordinate their policy with the conservative nobility of Bohemia. In response to the ascendant dualist Austro-Hungarian solution to the constitutional conflict, the recognition of historical Bohemian state rights as being equal...

  5. CHAPTER II. SELF-DETERMINATION, DEMOCRATIZATION, AND THE HOMOGENIZING STATE
    (pp. 117-196)

    The end of the 1860s and the beginning of the 1870s were times of particular national and cultural fermentation in Serbia and among the Serbs in Vojvodina. Both in Újvidék, then part of Austro-Hungarian Empire, and Belgrade, circles of enthusiastic young people, students and intellectuals were organizing themselves, with the aim of promoting Serbian national culture as well as the liberation and unification of all Serbs. Thus on 27 August 1866 in Újvidék, grown out of the alliance of 16 student, high school and cultural groups, the ‘United Serbian Youth’ (Ujedinjena omladina srpska , or simply Omladina) was established (see...

  6. CHAPTER III. “NATIONAL PROJECTS” AND THEIR REGIONAL FRAMEWORK
    (pp. 197-300)

    The last quarter of the nineteenth century was a time of great social and economic upheaval and consequently of political turmoil in the entire Habsburg Empire. The process of the fundamental restructuring of the political sphere in Bohemia and the growing Czech–German national antagonism led to the radicalization and strengthening of nationalist clashes. At the same time, it initiated a critical reappraisal of the hitherto established political ideologies and national mythologies. In the Czech case, the latter was symbolized by the provocative 1886 essay ‘Our two questions’ by Hubert G.

    Schauer, which expressed in new terms the old existential...

  7. CHAPTER IV. FEDERALISM AND THE DECLINE OF THE EMPIRES
    (pp. 301-390)

    The turn-of-the-century emergence of German imperial Drang nach Osten politics, geared towards the political subjugation of the European east, the crisis of dualism in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, and the subsequent Hungarian pressure on Croatia, forced Croatian politicians to abandon the mainstream anti-dualist and anti-Yugoslav politics of Stranka prava (Party of Rights) as it proved to be inefficient under the new circumstances. Hence, a minor faction of the party adopted the concept of a ‘Greater Croatia,’ which was to encompass all South Slavic territories in the Habsburg Monarchy. At the same time, they advocated the anti-Hungarian centralist vision propagated by Archduke...

  8. CHAPTER V. SOCIALISM AND THE NATIONALITY QUESTION
    (pp. 391-486)

    Botev’s ideas were strongly influenced by radical leftist ideologies, communism and anarchism and as a result, he expressed sympathy with the oppressed peoples all over Europe. He also called for universal revolution, thus enthusiastically celebrating the Paris Commune of 1871 in his ‘Ridiculous Lament, Creed of the Bulgarian Commune.’ His commitment to internationalist solidarity was related to the radical negation of the politics of the European Great Powers. To Botev, these powers were not only the imperialistic oppressors of their own people and of their colonial slaves, but also the main reason for the survival of the politically and economically...