Party Colonisation of the Media in Central and Eastern Europe

Party Colonisation of the Media in Central and Eastern Europe

Péter Bajomi-Lázár
Copyright Date: 2014
Edition: NED - New edition, 1
Pages: 290
https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7829/j.ctt1287c19
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  • Book Info
    Party Colonisation of the Media in Central and Eastern Europe
    Book Description:

    This book compares media and political systems in East-Central as well as in Western Europe in order to identify the reasons possibly responsible for the extensive and intensive party control over the media. This phenomenon is widely experienced in many of the former communist countries since the political transformation. The author argues that differences in media freedom and in the politicization of the news media are rooted in differences in party structures between old and new democracies, and, notably, the fact that young parties in the new members of the European Union are short of resources, which makes them more likely to take control of and to exploit media resources.

    eISBN: 978-963-386-042-7
    Subjects: Sociology

Table of Contents

  1. Front Matter
    (pp. i-iv)
  2. Table of Contents
    (pp. v-vi)
  3. Acknowledgements
    (pp. vii-viii)
    Péter Bajomi-Lázár
  4. 1. Political and Media Systems in Central and Eastern Europe
    (pp. 1-32)

    In April 2011, the local government of Budapest renamed the city’s Republic Square after the late Pope John-Paul II. Hungary’s new constitution, adopted by parliament in the same month and valid as of January 2012, changed the country’s official denomination, until that point ‘Hungarian Republic’, to ‘Hungary’. In March 2012, the statue of Mihály Károlyi, first President of the Hungarian Republic from 1918 to 1919, was removed from Kossuth Square in Budapest, where it had been standing since 1975 near the House of Parliament. Lastly, an amendment to the Criminal Code passed in June 2012 imposed a one-year prison sentence...

  5. 2. Hungary
    (pp. 33-72)

    After outlining Hungary’s political and media landscapes, the next sections will identify similarities and differences in the media policies of Gyula Horn’s left-liberal coalition government (1994–1998) and Viktor Orbán’s second conservative-Christian democratic coalition government (2010–2014); some events related to media policy that occurred under other conservative-Christian (1998–2002) and left-liberal governments (2002–2010) constituted by the same parties or party blocks will also be briefly recalled. Then the party backgrounds of the two selected governments will be described, in an attempt to identify traits that may account for the differences revealed between their media policies.

    Both periods were...

  6. 3. Bulgaria
    (pp. 73-102)

    After outlining Bulgaria’s political and media landscapes, the next sections will identify similarities and differences between the media policies of Ivan Kostov’s conservative single-party government (1997–2001) and Simeon Saxe-Coburg-Gotha’s liberal coalition government (2001–2005). Then the party backgrounds of the two governments will be described, in an attempt to identify traits that may account for the differences revealed between their media policies.

    These two periods have been selected because both were marked by major amendments to the broadcasting regulation, which under Kostov were not discussed with opposition parties or professional organisations, but under Simeon II were introduced after meaningful...

  7. 4. Poland
    (pp. 103-146)

    After outlining Poland’s political and media landscapes, the next sections will identify similarities and differences between the media policies of Leszek Miller’s and Marek Belka’s centre-left governments (2001–2005) and Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz’s and Jarosław Kaczyński’s right-wing governments (2005–2007). The party backgrounds of the selected governments will then be described in order to identify traits that may account for the differences revealed between their media policies.

    The Miller Governments attempted to amend media regulation, but failed to do so because the so-called Rywingate scandal intervened, leading, ultimately, to the resignation of Miller and to Belka taking his place, while the...

  8. 5. Romania
    (pp. 147-196)

    After outlining Romania’s political and media landscapes, the next sections will identify similarities and differences between the media policies of Adrian Năstase’s centre-left single-party government (2000–2004) and Călin Popescu-Tăriceanu’s centre-right coalition government (2004–2008). The former was a single-party government formed by the Social Democratic Party (155 seats) with the silent support of some MPs from the National Liberal Party and later from the Democratic Union of Hungarians, while the latter was a coalition government with the participation of the National Liberal Party (64 seats), the Democratic Party (48 seats), the Democratic Union of Hungarians (22 seats), and the...

  9. 6. Slovenia
    (pp. 197-228)

    After outlining Slovenia’s political and media landscapes, the next sections will identify similarities and differences between the media policies of Janez Drnovšek’s second, centre-left or broad coalition government (1993–1996) and Janez Janša’s first centre-right coalition government (2004–2008); some events related to media policy that occurred during the other governments of Drnovšek and of Janša will also be briefly recalled. The party backgrounds of the two governments will also be described in an attempt to identify traits that may account for the differences revealed in their media policies.

    These two periods have been selected because both were marked by...

  10. 7. Summary and conclusions: Veto Points in the System
    (pp. 229-238)

    It was suggested in the introductory sections that media systems are shaped by a number of factors, including the institutional framework of the media, politicians’ attitudes toward the media, citizens’ commitment to media freedom, journalists’ professionalism, investors’ attitudes toward the media, the size and state of the economy, and the ability of external political actors, such as the European Union to enforce standards. While all of these factors may affect the status of the media, most of them vary little over time and hence scarcely explain short-term temporal variations in the levels of media freedom and of party/media parallelism in...

  11. Appendices
    (pp. 239-252)
  12. References
    (pp. 253-266)
  13. Index of names
    (pp. 267-273)
  14. Back Matter
    (pp. 274-274)