Discourses of Collective Identity in Central and Southeast Europe 1770–1945, Vol. IV.

Discourses of Collective Identity in Central and Southeast Europe 1770–1945, Vol. IV.: Anti-modernism: Radical revisions of Collective Identity

Diana Mishkova
Marius Turda
Balázs Trencsényi
Copyright Date: 2014
Edition: NED - New edition, 1
Pages: 452
https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7829/j.ctt13wztwr
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  • Book Info
    Discourses of Collective Identity in Central and Southeast Europe 1770–1945, Vol. IV.
    Book Description:

    The last volume of the Discourses of Collective Identity in Central and Southeast Europe 1770–1945 series presents 46 texts under the heading of “antimodernism”. In a dynamic relationship with modernism, from the 1880s to the 1940s, and especially during the interwar period, the antimodernist political discourse in the region offered complex ideological constructions of national identification. These texts rejected the linear vision of progress and instead offered alternative models of temporality, such as the cyclical one as well as various narratives of decline. This shift was closely connected to the rejection of liberal democratic institutionalism, and the preference for organicist models of social existence, emphasizing the role of the elites (and charismatic leaders) shaping the whole body politic. Along these lines, antimodernist authors also formulated alternative visions of symbolic geography: rejecting the symbolic hierarchies that focused on the normativity of Western European models, they stressed the cultural and political autarchy of their own national community, which in some cases was also coupled with the reevaluation of the Orient. At the same time, this antimodernist turn should not be confused with rightwing radicalism—in fact, the dialogue with the modernist tradition was often very subtle and the anthology also contains texts which offered a criticism of 'modern' totalitarianism in an antimodernist key.

    eISBN: 978-963-386-095-3
    Subjects: Political Science

Table of Contents

  1. Front Matter
    (pp. i-vi)
  2. Table of Contents
    (pp. vii-viii)
  3. Acknowledgements
    (pp. ix-x)
  4. INTRODUCTION Approaching Anti-modernism
    (pp. 1-44)
    Sorin Antohi and Balázs Trencsényi

    The present volume is the last in the series entitledDiscourses of Collective Identity in Central and Southeast Europe (1770–1945): Texts and Commentaries.The history of this venture goes back to a meeting of young scholars at the Balkan Summer University in Plovdiv in 1999. Step by step, a research project, hosted by the Centre for Advanced Study Sofia, was formed with the intention of bringing together and making accessible basic texts of the region’s national traditions. The ensuing Reader was envisioned as a challenge to the self-centered and isolationist historical narratives and educational canons prevalent in the region....

  5. Chapter I. Integral Nationalism
    • THE AGREEMENT OF SERBS AND CROATS
      (pp. 47-55)
      NIKOLA PAŠIĆ

      Sloga Srbo-Hrvatawas written by Pašić most probably in the early 1890s, after his return to Serbia. This lengthy essay summarizes Pašić’s political concern with Serbian national identity, its main components and future trajectory. This is discussed through a comparison between the Serbs and the Croats. Although it appears in the title, Pašić was skeptical about the prospect of an “agreement” between these two nations. In his view the Serbs had an advantage over the Croats in terms of their regional leadership and role in the future unification of the South Slavs.

      The East-West divide is presented as fundamental, as...

    • THE PAN-GERMANS’ PROGRAM FOR THE FUTURE
      (pp. 56-60)
      GEORG VON SCHÖNERER

      The rise of a unified German state under the leadership of Chancellor Otto von Bismarck (1815–1898) in 1871, which excluded Habsburg Austria, created a political system whereby large populations of indigenous Germans belonged to different states. This solution was the outcome of a power struggle between the emerging northern German power of Prussia and Austria, whose monarchs had supplied the rulers of the collapsed Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation. The latter entity had held sway over the patchwork of Germanic principalities until 1806; and likewise Austria claimed leadership of its successor, the German Confederation, which emerged from...

    • THOUGHTS OF A MODERN POLE
      (pp. 61-69)
      ROMAN DMOWSKI

      Roman Dmowski’s text was acknowledged immediately upon its publication as one of the most important contributions to Polish nationalism. Dmowski drew on social Darwinism and openly criticized both “romantic” patriotism and the liberal adherents of “organic” work, the so-called positivists, even though he used elements of the positivist ideology for devising his own doctrine (see Aleksander Świętochowski,Political directives). In the early 20th century, the National-Democratic Party was trying to gather all social classes, attracting, at first, support from the former liberal and democratic middle-class. One of the important integrative elements in its program was political anti-Semitism. The rise of...

    • ON NATIONAL CULTURE
      (pp. 70-76)
      NICOLAE IORGA

      At the beginning of the 20thcentury, intense debates occurred in Romania between those authors who insisted on the preservation of traditional national values and those who, following a 19th-century pattern of liberal reformism, argued in favor of adopting Western cultural and political trends (see Aurel C. Popovici,At the crossroads of two worlds). Titu Maiorescu, the chief ideologue of theJunimistmovement, characterized the latter tendency as producing cultural “forms without substance” (seeAgainst the contemporary direction in Romanian culture). Similarly, Nicolae Iorga took a very active stance in defending national tradition against what he perceived as the devastating...

    • AT THE CROSSROADS OF TWO WORLDS
      (pp. 77-82)
      AUREL C. POPOVICI

      Debates on a shared national identity for all Romanians increased around 1900, mostly due to a series of political and cultural activities, including the establishment of theLeague for the Cultural Unity of all Romaniansin Bucharest in 1891, and the so-called “Memorandum” trial of the Transylvanian Romanian leaders in Kolozsvár (Cluj) in 1894. Politicians in the Kingdom of Romania often used the difficult cultural conditions under which Romanians from the neighboring Russian and Austro-Hungarian empires lived to increase popular awareness and mobilize public support for nationalist and irredentist activities. Moreover, in Hungary the government increased its political control over...

    • IN THE CITY OF CYNICS
      (pp. 83-92)
      VLADIMIR ĆERINA

      The GermanDrang nach Osten, the Hungarian political and economic expansion, and the accession to the Serbian throne of the pro-Yugoslav and pro-Russian Karađorđevié dynasty following the downfall of the pro-Austrian Obrenović house (1903) have all impacted early 20th-century Croatian politics. While the previous decades had been dominated by the antidualist and anti-Yugoslav project for Croatian political autonomy advocated by theStranka prava[Party of the State Right], the emergence of the socalledNapredna Omladina[Progressive Youth], a turn-of-the-century group of Croatian and Serbian students in Prague who, inspired by Tomáš Masaryk. launched the idea of a Croat-Serbian unity, which...

    • THE QUESTION OF NATIONALISM IN ISLAM
      (pp. 93-99)
      BABANZÂDE AHMED NAIM

      The reign of Abdülhamid II (1876–1909) had witnessed an increasing emphasis on the role of the Ottoman ruler as the caliph of all Muslims, a claim that the sultan hoped to utilize as a subtle threat against Western and Russian imperialist infringements. Thus, in the years of relative freedom and fervent public debate that followed the 1908 revolution and the reinstatement of Parliament, Islamism emerged as one of the main currents of thought. Islamism was an entirely modern phenomenon, fundamentally different from earlier forms of Islamic conservatism or revisionism, and was founded upon a concern for the reassessment of...

    • THE IDEOLOGY OF THE SLOVAK PEOPLE’S PARTY
      (pp. 100-107)
      JOZEF TISO

      After 1918, Slovak political life within the Czechoslovak republic underwent a process of ideological differentiation. With the exception of the first parliamentary elections in 1920, won by the Social Democrats, it was Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party (HSPP), or theľudáks,that dominated the political scene, vying for support mainly among the Roman Catholic population. In contrast to the other two major camps in Slovak politics at the time, the agrarians and the social democrats, which both supported the Czechoslovak idea, theľudáksbecame the main mouthpiece of the autonomist Slovak movement. They opposed the centralism of the political establishment in...

    • TOMORROW’S NATIONALISM
      (pp. 108-114)
      DEZSŐ SZABÓ

      Dezső Szabó was a crucial figure in the post-1918 history of Hungarian nationalism. In contrast to 19th-century nationalism, which was based on an assimilatory discourse within a multi-ethnic state, Szabó advocated the idea of an ethnically homogeneous Hungarian nation-state. This program had two sides: it implied the ethnic “purification” of the country, a shift towards the ethnicization of politics; and, at the same time, it entailed the abandonment of the traditional imperial-assimilatory dream-world of “historic Hungary.” Either way, the implications of this program contradicted the claims of those political camps that posited the territorial reconstruction of the Kingdom of Saint...

  6. Chapter II. The Crisis of the European Conscience
    • THE LAST DAYS OF MANKIND
      (pp. 117-126)
      KARL KRAUS

      The First World War, as Kraus the astringent satirist saw it, represented an unholy alliance of curious bedfellows: technology and death; the raucous press and the military machine; and not least, a vigorous Germany with a moribund Habsburg Austria. In the War, Kraus saw a magnification of the corruption that had debased Austria’s public sphere before 1914, upon which he had commentated publicly in his Viennese journalDie Fackel,but that had now reached a new apogee. In the face of blanket wartime propaganda and omnipresent death, his usual targets gained special piquancy: in particular, the debasement of humanity and...

    • SPIRITUAL ITINERARY
      (pp. 127-133)
      MIRCEA ELIADE

      During the 1920s and 1930s, a group of young Romanian intellectuals, including Emil Cioran, Mircea Vulcănescu, Petre Pandrea, Petru Comarnescu, Petre Ţuţea, Constantin Noica, Mihail Sebastian and Eugen Ionescu, formulated one of the most radical programs of social and cultural change in the history of modern Romania. Contrary to the 1848 generation—whose Romantic patriotism and rhetoric infused the creation of modern Romania with an ethnic and national metaphysics that allowed for the realization of grand political programs, such as the union of Transylvania with Romania—this so-called “Young Generation” assumed a different cultural agenda. As the national ideal—the...

    • ON EAST AND WEST
      (pp. 134-141)
      AHMET HAMDI TANPINAR

      In these two essays, Tanpınar addresses a question that constitutes the fulcrum of his literary and intellectual outlook, developing a constellation of arguments around dichotomous concepts such as East and West, tradition and progress, and past and present. He diagnoses the unresolved cultural/civilizational crisis that haunted Turkish society after a hundred years of avid progress towards the West. The problem, according to Tanpınar, is that the East and the West constitute separate and incompatible cultural universes; they employ entirely different epistemological tools for the production of meaning and provide distinctive mental patterns for the construction and interpretation of reality. Tanpınar...

    • AUSTRIA THROUGH THE PRISM OF THE IDEA
      (pp. 142-147)
      LEOPOLD ANDRIAN

      That the fall of the Habsburg Monarchy led not only to calls forAnschlusswith Germany, but to a persistent discussion about Austria’s separate course, has frequently been overshadowed by two factors: the jubilation that greeted Hitler’s entry to Vienna in 1938; and the sharp, sustained ideological division within Austria itself. The second factor, symbolized by the short Civil War of 1934, and the subsequent imposition of authoritarian rule along fascist-inspired lines until 1938, resoundingly informs historiography on the First Austrian Republic. It rightly stresses political division between Left and Right, and a weakly rooted sense of Austria possessing a...

    • MASS AND NATION
      (pp. 148-155)
      MIHÁLY BABITS

      With the seemingly unstoppable rise of totalitarianism across Europe, the 1930s brought along a sharp debate about the nature of modernity in Hungary as well. The emergence of a group of politicians (the most important among whom was Gyula Gömbös, Prime Minister between 1932 and 1936), seeking to impose on the society a “Revolution from the Right,” challenged the traditional conservative political elite associated with the “consolidation-regime” of Count István Bethlen (Prime Minister between 1921 and 1931). This development alarmed some of the conservative reformist intellectuals (such as Gyula Szekfű), and pushed them towards a broader cooperation with the more...

    • UNKEMPT SOULS
      (pp. 156-164)
      STANISŁAW IGNACY WITKIEWICZ

      Witkacy’s oeuvre is difficult to assess in its entirety due to the fact that an unknown part of it was destroyed during the 1944 Warsaw uprising. Almost all his works in arts and philosophy were marked by an attempt to question a wide array of intellectual and ideological affiliations and to express a distinct and unique position within, or rather outside of, contemporary cultural life. The personality of his father, Stanisław Witkiewicz, an acknowledged leftist intellectual and artist, seems to have stimulated his need to express his own personality through successive rejections of group identity. Raised in the Polish cultural...

    • AN OPTIMISTIC THEORY OF OUR PEOPLE
      (pp. 165-172)
      IVAN HADZHIYSKI

      Ivan Hadzhiyski’s sociological and anthropological approach to the traditional Bulgarian society was in sharp opposition to the “national metaphysics” advocated by the rightist adherents of conservative revolution in the late- 1920s and 1930s. The latter was built upon the tradition of “national psychology” or characterology and attempted to place the National Spirit, seen as a mythical, a-temporal entity, at the very heart of their philosophical constructions (see Janko Janev and Nayden Sheytanov). At the same time, under the influence of racial theories, national characterology took another direction: toward “scientific” analyses of the nation in terms of its racial substance. The...

  7. Chapter III. In Search of a National Ontology
    • HELLENIC CIVILIZATION
      (pp. 175-181)
      ION DRAGOUMIS

      At the turn of the 20thcentury, Ottoman Macedonia witnessed a fierce struggle among Greek, Bulgarian and Macedonian autonomist groups fighting each other in a determined attempt to attract the allegiance of the Christian population. The preconditions for this struggle can be traced to the Ottoman edict (ferman) of 1870, which proclaimed the foundation of an autonomous Bulgarian church under the title of an Exarchate. The most crucial and ambiguous article of thefermanstated that a majority of 2/3 among the population, at the level of thekaza(district), would determine whether it would remain loyal to the Patriarchate...

    • THE MISSION OF THE CZECH STATE
      (pp. 182-190)
      JAROSLAV DURYCH

      Political Catholicism in the Czech lands became a movement at the end of the 19thcentury, though it remained fragmented politically. In Moravia, in contrast to Bohemia, Catholicism was stronger. During the Great War, all Catholic parties were pro-Austrian, and it was only in 1918, under the leadership of Msgr. Jan Šrámek (1870–1956), that they began to cooperate with anti-Austrian politicians and joined the National Committee striving for an independent Czechoslovak state. They thus formed the united Czechoslovak People’s Party (ČSL), one of the important political parties of the inter-war republic. However, every effort to co-opt the Slovak Catholics...

    • THE IDEAL FOUNDATIONS OF SLAVIC AGRARIANISM
      (pp. 191-198)
      FRANCE VEBER

      During the 19thcentury, the idea of Slavic affinity was a core notion shaping intellectual debates about Slovene identity. There was a tradition of emphasizing the Slavic character of the Slovenes as a distinguishing trait from their Germanic and neo-Latin neighbors that dated back to at least the 16thcentury. From the late Romantic period onward, the idea that the Slovenes participated—or should participate—in a wider Slavic historical mission gained support among the nationalist intelligentsia. This idea had different manifestations—from Austro-Slavism, to Illyrianism, pan-Slavism and neo-Slavism; the relation between Slovene individuality and these wider Slavic frameworks was...

    • SPEECH ABOUT AUSTRIA
      (pp. 199-204)
      ANTON WILDGANS

      1929 marked ten years since the foundation of Austria’s First Republic: a creation famously willed into existence by the Peace Treaties of 1919, rather than by the popular desire of German-speaking residents in the western, ex-Habsburg heartlands. Despite linguistic affiliation with Germany and the granting of self-determination elsewhere, unification (Anschluss) between the two countries was blocked. However,Anschlusswas the aim of Austria’s first government in 1919, and it remained an official policy goal of the Social Democratic Party until Hitler’s ascent in the 1930s. Over the course of the 1920s, the cause of a separate Austrian identity and consciousness...

    • THE MIORITIC SPACE
      (pp. 205-211)
      LUCIAN BLAGA

      During the interwar period, Romanian intellectuals of diverse ideological orientations engaged (or some of them continued engaging) with long lasting debates about the nation and the developmental path Romania should follow. Lucian Blaga belonged to the traditionalist group, although he stood for a more Europeanized approach to the problem of national character than his Orthodoxist contemporaries, especially Nichifor Crainic. Composed as explorations of the local peasant culture, Blaga’s writings on Romanian national identity blurred the national and the universal, recurrently invoking a supra-national rural identity for Romanians, one transcending time and space. At the same time, the assertion that in...

    • EPIC MAN
      (pp. 212-218)
      VLADIMIR DVORNIKOVIĆ

      The interwar period in Eastern Europe was characterized by the rise of essentialist discourses of nationhood. These discourses were connected to the pressing need to create a coherent framework of identity for the states that had emerged after 1918 or radically changed their territory as a consequence of the Great War. The Yugoslav state (initially called Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes) was no exception; however, the situation there was even more complex due to the multiple identity-building projects (ranging from integral Yugoslavism and Serbian centralism, to various concepts of federalism and eventually separatism on the part of the...

    • THE SERBIAN NATION AS A SERVANT OF GOD
      (pp. 219-225)
      NIKOLAJ VELIMIROVIĆ

      The interwar period brought about a revival of Orthodox thought in Southeast Europe, with Nikolaj Velimirovié as one of its leading figures. In the 1930s, Velimirovié established around himself a circle of disciples and followers from among younger students of theology (including Justin Popovié, who was to continue developing his ideas in socialist Yugoslavia), who further elaborated on his ideas on Serbian nationalism, Orthodox Christianity, and the social and political role of the church. By the mid-1930s, Velimirovié had abandoned his earlier interest in the ecumenical movement and protestant theology in favor of the national question, which became central to...

    • BULGARIAN WORLDVIEW
      (pp. 226-232)
      NAYDEN SHEYTANOV

      Nayden Sheytanov is one of the most original Bulgarian intellectuals of the interwar period. He pleaded for a return to the archaic and to “Bulgarian magic,” and attempted an original interpretation of the main figures of the “Bulgarian Soul.” He found in archaic culture the highest expression of Bulgarianness, which he sought to convert into “Great-Bulgarianness,” a potentially expansive and regionally encompassing national ideology. Pursuing this project, he introduced the key term, “Bulgarianism.” Influenced by Romantic models, especially the works of Georgi Rakovski, Sheytanov built a relationship between Bulgarianness and ancient Greek and Indo-European culture.

      The article “Bulgarian Worldview” represents...

    • IN MINORITY
      (pp. 233-242)
      LÁSZLÓ NÉMETH

      The broader context of Németh’s works in the late 1930s was the atmosphere of national mobilization promoted by the official establishment, under the sign of the pressing exigencies of “national unity” in a country preparing for the ordeals of the Second World War. The populist (népi) movement that had been demanding social reforms throughout the 1930s, faced the dilemma of whether to support the social politics of the regime, even at the price of giving up their belief in legal equality (as the cost of the reforms was meant to be covered by the economic disenfranchizing of the Jewish population),...

  8. Chapter IV. Conservative Redefinitions of Tradition and Modernity
    • WRITING AS THE SPIRITUAL SPACE OF THE NATION
      (pp. 245-250)
      HUGO VON HOFMANNSTHAL

      Hofmannsthal was, arguably, the literary embodiment of a certain form of the AustrianZeitgeistboth before and during the First World War, and in the first decade that followed. At face value, his early works expressed the decadence widely associated to this day with the celebrated Viennesefin-de-siècle. Together with other writers of theJung-Wien[Young Vienna] circle, to which he briefly belonged, his early works, such asDeath and the Fool, convey a fascination with decline, which some have read as coextensive with that of the Monarchy in the period. Other works express a striving for new aesthetic forms....

    • THREE GENERATIONS
      (pp. 251-258)
      GYULA SZEKFŰ

      Szekfű’s historiographical oeuvre had an immense impact on the national discourse in interwar Hungary, as it tried to come to terms with the experience of social and political upheaval and territorial losses after 1918. His methodological orientation in the 1920s was marked by the perspective ofGeistesgeschichte, centered on the concept of the “spirit of the age.” His most influential book,Három nemzedék(1920), was meant to provide a sweeping criticism of the spiritual transformation of the Hungarian elite that had led to the “catastrophes” of 1918–1919. He sought to devise a discourse of anti-liberal historicism: reasserting the most...

    • AUSTRIA IN THE HOLY ROMAN EMPIRE AND IN THE GERMAN CONFEDERATION
      (pp. 259-265)
      HEINRICH VON SRBIK

      The discourse of a GermanicVolkthat surpassed the boundaries of the political states in which Germans actually lived gained ground in the early years of the 20thcentury among thinkers, writers and politicians of both overlapping and divergent political orientations. Historically, Pan-German consciousness had assumed two competing forms: those advocating a “small” solution, based on Bismarck’s Prussian-led and Hohenzollern-ruled Germany from 1871, which excluded Austria; and those advocating a “large” Germany that would include Austria’s German population. Absent from this schema were the German minorities in other areas, such as the Sudeten Germans in western Bohemia, and the broader...

    • RELIGION IN THE SERBIAN CIVIL CODE
      (pp. 266-272)
      ŽIVOJIN M. PERIĆ

      Perié’s entry into Serbian politics coincided with the period of so-called “radical democracy” following the assassination of King Alexander Obrenovié by disgruntled military officers in 1903. The coup led to the return of the Karađorđevié dynasty to the throne and the adoption of a new constitution, allowing for almost general male suffrage. Elections brought about the domination of the People’s Radical Party, which, alternating with the Independent Radical Party, held power until 1914. Perié found himself among those discontent with the existing situation, who considered such parliamentary monopoly on power as a danger to the rule of law, the monarchy...

    • THE DEPTHS OF NATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS
      (pp. 273-281)
      MILAN ŠUFFLAY

      The history of the Croatian national movement from the late 19thcentury until 1918 was marked by constant conflict between a loosely defined Yugoslavist option and the assertion of specific Croatian interests, to a certain extent adjusted to the Austro-Hungarian imperial framework (with the additional combination of the two halves of the Monarchy offering alternative points of orientation). This dilemma was already present in the clash between the followers of Bishop Strossmayer and Ante Starèević(see Franjo Rački,Yugoslavism) in the 1870s and 1880s, and was also reproduced by the differentiation of political forces during the last two decades of the...

    • IN DEFENSE OF SLAVIC POLITICS
      (pp. 282-291)
      KAREL KRAMÁŘ

      Ideas of Slavic reciprocity and pan-Slavism were part of the Czech political and cultural discourse throughout the 19thand the 20thcenturies. However, they differed significantly in terms of both content (Russophilia, Slovakophilia, Austro-Slavism, pan-Slavism) and political implications (see Karel Havlíćek Borovský,The Slav and the Czech). At the beginning of the 20thcentury, pan-Slavism or neo-Slavism, as it was termed, found good reception in Czech financial circles that sought to make their way into the economically less developed Slavic countries of the Balkans. Neo-Slavism resurrected the idea of an all-Slav cultural and economic cooperation. It emphasized the equality of...

    • TOWARDS THE PHILOSOPHY OF BULGARIAN HISTORY
      (pp. 292-298)
      PETAR MUTAFCHIEV

      Mutafchiev occupied a complex position in interwar Bulgaria. On the one hand, he attempted to oppose the radical right, championing the “conservative revolution” ideology by proposing a historical foundation of national specificity, seen as an alternative to the mythical definition of the national essence. On the other hand, he strongly opposed leftist sociological historicism. He shared a nationalist pathos with other authors on the Right, arguing (most forcefully in “Present-day Bulgaria and the spirit of our Revival,” 1940) for a new national revival. This was a pressing concern due to Bulgaria’s postwar national crisis. Examining the causes of this crisis...

    • THE MEANING OF TRADITION
      (pp. 299-305)
      NICHIFOR CRAINIC

      Theories of national character developed during the interwar period aimed at defining the Romanian nation’s historical and cultural place in a transforming Europe. While most Romanian intellectuals retained a scholarly admiration for the universities of Western Europe—where they continued to receive education and scholarly recognition—the domination of Western cultural life had given rise to various ethnocentric attitudes, widely expressed in debates about Romanian national specificity and ethnicity. In the name of indigenous originality and cultural autonomy, as opposed to the cosmopolitanism and decadence of Western European culture, a variety of texts were published in Romania during the 1930s,...

    • THE LEGAL STATUS OF THE PEASANT CLASS IN THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE
      (pp. 306-312)
      ÖMER LÜTFİ BARKAN

      The 1930s, between the Great Depression and the onset of the Second World War, during which the Turkish state remained neutral, contributed to the consolidation of an autarkist program administered with increasing severity by the authoritarian single party regime. In line with the rise of authoritarianism in Europe, the single party pursued a heavily statist and isolationist policy backed by a strongly corporatist political and cultural agenda. Turkey’s growing political and economic isolation, coupled with the rigid nationalist inclinations of the new nation-state, contributed to the rise of conformist and highly particularizing tendencies within an academic environment that had limited...

    • SLOVAK STATEHOOD
      (pp. 313-322)
      LADISLAV HANUS

      In the interwar period, Slovak intelligentsia was divided along several cultural and ideological lines. On the one hand, there was the liberally oriented intelligentsia, influenced by Tomáš G. Masaryk and his Slovak followers (the so-calledHlasists), who connected Slovak national emancipation with the project of Czechoslovak statehood, the liberal democratic state and modernist culture. On the other hand, the Christian, traditionalist, and conservative intelligentsia refused the liberal and secular idea of the nation. These authors stressed the fundamentally different character of Slovaks and Czechs and preferred a more or less explicit autonomist political stance. The most influential philosophical stream of...

    • MANIFESTO OF THE SLOVENIAN NATIONAL DEFENSE CORPS
      (pp. 323-328)

      The collaboration with the Axis occupation forces in Slovenia is a complex issue. Its roots can be traced back to the radicalization of Slovenian conservative and right-wing political Catholicism in the decade prior to the outbreak of the Second World War. The clergy had an important role in the formation of the first counter-guerrilla units in the summer of 1942. These were soon identified by the Italian occupation authorities as potential allies in the fight against the Communist-led partisan insurgence and reorganized as a Voluntary Anti-Communist Militia (Milizia Volontaria Anticomunista, MVAC) under Italian military command. Catholic integralist groups, dating back...

  9. Chapter V. The Anti-modernist Revolution
    • IDEOLOGICAL DECLARATION OF THE GREAT POLAND CAMP
      (pp. 331-334)

      One of the characteristic features of early 20th-century Polish nationalism was its legalism. The so-called “national democrats” may have been radical nationalists and chauvinists, but they made use of various liberties in the three parts of partitioned Poland to make their way into municipal as well as central authorities and parliaments. In the first years of independence, the “national democrats” formed the core of several coalitions. In contrast, the predominantly leftist sympathizers of Józef Piłsudski critically commented upon the shortcomings of Polish democracy. In the mid-1920s, under the influence of authoritarian movements in Europe (above all Italy) and, ultimately, after...

    • THE SPIRIT OF THE NATION
      (pp. 335-341)
      JANKO JANEV

      Janev’s views were formed in the context of Bulgarian modernism during the 1920s and 1930s. In a series of articles published in3πamopozandXunepuon, Janev glorified the godfathers of Bulgarian modernism, like Krastyu Krastev, Pencho Slaveykov, Peyo Javorov (all of them members of the paradigmatic modernist circleMuchπ[Thought]), as well as Dimo Kyorchev. He read the life and work of these modernist authors through a Nietzschean prism, which was naturally opposed to the vulgar life of the corrupted society and to the crowd of fake artists (eloquently dubbed “maniacs”). It was in this context that Janev brought forward the...

    • TURKISH UNITY
      (pp. 342-347)
      HÜSEYIN NİHAL ATSIZ

      Early Turkism, gaining momentum after the inauguration of the second constitution in 1908, emerged as a defensive alternative amidst the turmoil of a collapsing multinational empire (see Yusuf Akçura,Three types of policy). As a nebulous political and cultural movement, it was nourished by multiple sources of influence, from Orientalist scholarship (and the growing field of Turcology), to Hungarian and Finnish Turanism, to rising Turkic (particularly Tatar) nationalism in Tsarist Russia. In the process of the crystallization of Turkish nationalism and its appropriation by the Republican nation-state as a founding ideology, the ethnic overtones of Turkism were largely retained, while...

    • SPEECH ON THE OCCASION OF THE INAUGURATION OF PUBLIC WORKS
      (pp. 348-355)
      IOANNIS METAXAS

      The involvement of the Greek military in politics between 1916 and 1924 resulted in the elimination of the main political actors of the National Schism period: King Constantine I and Venizelos. The latter departed in 1924, after coming into conflict with his most radical supporters. His successors, though, failed to maintain control over the military officers, who gradually became aware that they could use power for personal interests. Civilian authority was restored in 1928, when Venizelos returned to office. However, even Venizelos, during his last period in politics, used the military as a means of pressure against his conservative opponents....

    • THE TRANSFIGURATION OF ROMANIA
      (pp. 356-362)
      EMIL CIORAN

      Among the diverse definitions of national identity, and solutions to the crises brought about by modernity proposed during the interwar period in Romania, Emil Cioran’s stands out as one of the most excessive and, at the same time, most sophisticated. Both his philosophical and political arguments were highly appreciated by his contemporaries. His most controversial work, “The Transfiguration of Romania,” articulates an essentialist picture of Romanian national identity. To Cioran, influenced by Nietzsche, vitalism, Spengler, and theories of cultural morphology, the ambiguities of self-definition and ethnic affinity represented the perfect way to explore the destiny of Romania, defined as “small...

    • FASCISM AND THE ALBANIAN SPIRIT
      (pp. 363-369)
      LAZËR RADI

      On 7 April 1939, Italy invaded Albania. The ruler of the country, King Zog I, left in a hurry. There was virtually no resistance put up by the Albanian army, which had been under the total control of its Italian instructors since the mid-1930s. Only a few units of the gendarmerie opposed the Italian forces in Durrës and Vlora. In about three days, the entire country was under complete Italian control. On 12 April, the National Assembly proclaimed the personal union between the two countries, offering the Albanian crown to the Italian King/Emperor Victor Emmanuel III. The invasion was condemned...

    • SLOVAK NATIONAL SOCIALISM
      (pp. 370-378)
      ŠTEFAN POLAKOVIĆ

      The independent Slovak state was established on 14 March 1939. Its design was part of Hitler’s “Eastern policy,” seeking to destroy the post-Versailles order and create satellite states. Upon its formation, the Slovak state concluded a “protection treaty” with Berlin and its fate was thus linked to that of the Third Reich. Its political order was based on authoritarian, antidemocratic principles, with a single ruling Party (Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party, HSPP) and national Leader (adopting the NaziFührerprinzipto local conditions), Jozef Tiso. This does not mean that there were no internal rifts in the Party and its elite, or...

    • CZECH MYTH
      (pp. 379-387)
      EMANUEL VAJTAUER

      The 1938 Munich agreement between France, Germany, Great Britain, and Italy forced Czechoslovakia to surrender large territories to the Third Reich. Some political forces strove to retain the basic democratic procedures in the newly established Czecho-Slovakia (“Second Republic”), but radical right-wing forces soon achieved supremacy and pushed the state towards an authoritarian, corporatist regime under the protection of Nazi Germany. On 15 March 1939, Slovakia broke away and the Nazis occupied the rest of the Bohemian territory. The Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia was turned into a colony, whose main aim was to industrially and economically support the German war...

    • THE BUILDING OF NEW SERBIA AS A PEASANT STATE
      (pp. 388-395)
      SVETISLAV STEFANOVIĆ

      Having been out of politics since 1922, Stefanovié announced his comeback to the public arena through a series of contributions in the dailiesVreme(June – December 1934) andIdeje(November 1934 – June 1935). This was a politically volatile period marked by the crisis of royal dictatorship in Yugoslavia. The “personal regime” of King Alexander, proclaimed in 1929, was based on the disbanding of political parties, and on the staunch advancement of the so-called “integral Yugoslavism,” which was seen as a necessary shortcut to the creation of a Yugoslav nationhood at the expense of other national and regional identities. Initially fairly...

    • COMRADESHIP
      (pp. 396-404)
      EDVARD KOCBEK

      The 1930s marked the height of the political power of the Slovene Catholic movement. The Slovene People’s Party, as the main expression of political Catholicism in Slovenia, was part of the conservative coalition that ruled Yugoslavia; and as such it was delegated political power at the local level. Its roots in Slovene society enabled it to establish and maintain a virtually unchallenged social and political hegemony for almost half a century. However, from the early 1930s onward, the differences within Slovene political Catholicism deepened. On the one hand, an integralist movement, professing a corporatist and authoritarian worldview, grew in importance;...

  10. BASIC SECONDARY LITERATURE ON IDENTITY DISCOURSES IN CENTRAL AND SOUTHEAST EUROPE
    (pp. 405-420)
  11. GLOSSARY OF KEY TERMS USED FOR THE CONSTRUCTION OF COLLECTIVE IDENTITY
    (pp. 421-442)
  12. Back Matter
    (pp. 443-443)