Power and Responsibility

Power and Responsibility: Building International Order in an Era of Transnational Threats

BRUCE JONES
CARLOS PASCUAL
STEPHEN JOHN STEDMAN
Copyright Date: 2009
Pages: 360
https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.7864/j.ctt6wphc5
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  • Book Info
    Power and Responsibility
    Book Description:

    "The aim of the Managing Global Insecurity project is to launch a reform effort of the global security system in 2009. That task is both ambitious and urgent.... The time to act is now." -from the Foreword by Javier Solana

    The twenty-first century will be defined by security threats unconstrained by borders -from economic instability, climate change, and nuclear proliferation to conflict, poverty, terrorism, and disease. The greatest test of global leadership will be building partnerships and institutions for cooperation that can meet the challenge. Power and Responsibility describes how American leadership can rebuild international order to promote global security and prosperity for today's transnational world.

    Power & Responsibilityestablishes a new foundation for international security: "responsible sovereignty," or the notion that sovereignty entails obligations and duties toward other states as well as one's own citizens. Governments must cooperate across borders to safeguard common resources and tackle common threats.

    Power & Responsibilityargues that in order to advance its own interests, the United States must learn to govern in an interdependent world, exercise leadership through cooperation, and create new institutions with today's traditional and emerging powers. The result of a collaborative project on Managing Global Insecurity, the book also reflects the MGI project's global dialogue -extensive consultations in the United States and in regions around the world as well as discussions with the MGI project's Advisory Group, composed of prominent U.S. and international figures.

    "The 2008 financial crisis has brought our global interconnectedness close to home. But economic insecurity is just one concern. Power and Responsibility provides a road map for building effective policies and legitimate global institutions to tackle today's suite of transnational challenges." -Kemal Dervi , administrator, UN Development Program

    eISBN: 978-0-8157-0183-5
    Subjects: Political Science

Table of Contents

  1. Front Matter
    (pp. i-vi)
  2. Table of Contents
    (pp. vii-VIII)
  3. FOREWORD
    (pp. ix-x)
    JAVIER SOLANA

    THE AIM OF THE Managing Global Insecurity project is to launch a reform effort of the global security system in 2009. That task is both ambitious and urgent.

    It is clear that globalization remains the dominant trend shaping our world. It has offered millions a chance to live better lives. But globalization has also unleashed forces that governments can neither stop nor control on their own. The list of problems is by now familiar. The “dark side” of globalization requires us to address climate change, nonproliferation, state failure, energy security, and financial instability. In recent years, all these problems have...

  4. FOREWORD
    (pp. xi-xii)
    BRENT SCOWCROFT

    FOR ALMOST TWO DECADES American foreign policy has been trying to steer us to safety in uncharted waters. Globalization has eroded national borders everywhere and brought new transnational challenges to the fore: weak states, global warming, emerging deadly infectious diseases, and the possibility of catastrophic terrorism. Our security and prosperity depend on robust cooperation with others around the globe.

    It is more than troubling that the United States still lacks a forward-looking vision of our role in this new world, and of how best to further the interests of the American people. Since 9/11, fear has been our compass. We...

  5. PREFACE
    (pp. xiii-xviii)
  6. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
    (pp. xix-xxii)
  7. Part I. Power

    • ONE SOVEREIGNTY’S LAST BEST CHANCE
      (pp. 3-20)

      WHEN IT COMES TO THREATS to global security, there has been no shortage of wake-up calls. Transnational criminals illegally traffic sophisticated nuclear technology to unstable regimes in the most conflict-prone regions of the world. Terrorist groups that seek to inflict mass casualties are found with training materials on using biological weapons. Sea levels rise, droughts last longer and longer, and storms are more frequent. Skyrocketing energy prices lead to astronomical rises in food costs, prompting riots and warnings of food emergencies in poor countries. Economic turbulence and insecurity drain savings and jobs in large parts of the world. Deadly viruses...

    • TWO INTERESTS AND ORDER: THE UNITED STATES AND THE MAJOR AND RISING POWERS
      (pp. 21-44)

      AN INTERNATIONAL ORDER based on responsible sovereignty must be in the interest of those actors who have the power to build it. Softhearted appeals to the common good are insufficient. The primary question is whether the resulting order provides the vision, institutions, and tools to enable major and rising powers to address the large and complex agenda of transnational crises and challenges before them.

      The summer of 2008, when we concluded this book, hardly seemed a propitious time for a vision of international order based on responsible sovereignty. The combination of the Russian invasion of Georgia, the failure of the...

    • THREE POWER AND INSTITUTIONS: AN EFFECTIVE INTERNATIONAL ARCHITECTURE FOR RESPONSIBLE SOVEREIGNTY
      (pp. 45-72)

      AN INTERNATIONAL ORDER based on responsible sovereignty will require a new U.S. foreign policy that seeks cooperation to mitigate transnational threats, invests in and strengthens international institutions to sustain cooperation, and signals its support for the international rule of law as the best guarantor of U.S. security and prosperity. It will also require a new U.S. leadership style that is based on consultation, listening, and openness to expanded participation from parts of the globe long ignored by the United States.

      This is only a start, however, for the United States is not powerful enough to refashion the international order on...

  8. Part II. Responsibility

    • FOUR ARRESTING CLIMATE CHANGE
      (pp. 75-106)

      CLIMATE CHANGE POSES an existential challenge: either all the world’s major economies must join together to stop global warming or the world will risk a wave of catastrophe that will change life as we know it. A rise in global sea levels, changes in precipitation patterns, and an increase in extreme weather may be felt most severely by those living in developing countries, but the security and economic repercussions will reach into the industrialized world. Any solution will require radical changes in fossil fuel consumption and significant advances in technology. Yet few countries will sacrifice short-term economic growth to cut...

    • FIVE THE SECOND NUCLEAR AGE
      (pp. 107-138)

      WE HAVE ENTERED a second nuclear age.¹ At the dawn of the first, the framers of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) believed that they could create a firewall between nuclear technology for peaceful uses and nuclear technology for weapons. But in the 1980s, that assumption was proven wrong by Iraq and more recently, by North Korea and Iran. In the first nuclear age, proliferation was a problem only for states. No one assumed forty years ago that terrorists might seek a nuclear bomb, or that the sale of nuclear weapons materials and know-how would become a business opportunity for nonstate...

    • SIX SECURITY IN THE BIOLOGICAL CENTURY
      (pp. 139-169)

      NEW KNOWLEDGE, TECHNOLOGY, and applications from biology promise to transform society, just as the industrial and information revolutions did in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Revolutionary discoveries in the life sciences have the potential to reshape the worlds of health, food production, energy, climate change, and economics, leading to fewer deadly diseases, new fuels, heartier food crops, longer life expectancy, and better quality of life.

      The history of previous technological revolutions, however, provides a lesson that we ignore at our peril. As two of the world’s foremost experts on biological weapons warn, “We know of no major technology with military...

    • SEVEN MANAGING CIVIL VIOLENCE AND REGIONAL CONFLICT
      (pp. 170-203)

      FAILED STATES ARE BOTH cause and manifestation of a breakdown in international order. States that cannot maintain the rule of law or provide for the well-being of their citizens are closely associated with civil violence and amplify the risk of transnational threats such as terrorism and deadly infectious disease. Civil violence often crosses borders and draws regional and international actors into its vortex. Today’s cases—Afghanistan, Congo, Iraq, Kosovo, Lebanon, and Sudan—demonstrate the consequences: lives lost, futures diminished, regional rivalries inflamed, and the credibility of international institutions cast into doubt.

      A sea change has taken place in international views...

    • EIGHT COMBATING TRANSNATIONAL TERRORISM
      (pp. 204-233)

      TERRORISM WAS A CONSTANT COMPANION to war and ideological struggle in the twentieth century, and at the start of the twenty-first, al Qaeda represents the most virulent form of the phenomenon the world has yet faced. Although the threat posed by terrorism has often been exaggerated, the prospect that a network like al Qaeda could gain access to a nuclear or biological weapon represents a serious threat to U.S. and international security.

      No state, however powerful, can defend itself unilaterally against transnational terrorism. Terrorist networks move operatives, money, and material across borders and through the crevices of the global economy....

    • NINE STRENGTHENING THE PILLARS OF ECONOMIC SECURITY
      (pp. 234-268)

      IN THE AFTERMATH of the global depression of the 1930s and World War II, forty-four nations agreed to create the Bretton Woods institutions and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) to promote economic stability and peace. As the principal architect of the Bretton Woods system, Harry Dexter White, put it, “The absence of a high degree of economic collaboration among the leading nations will … inevitably result in economic warfare that will be but the prelude and instigator of military warfare on an even vaster scale.”¹

      More than sixty years later, the nature of international security threats may have...

  9. Part III. Order

    • TEN THE HARDEST CASE: THE BROADER MIDDLE EAST
      (pp. 271-301)

      THE THREATS DESCRIBED in earlier chapters are real and mounting, but nowhere are they more acute than in the broader Middle East.¹ From the Lebanese, Syrian, and Israeli-Palestinian crises to Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan, and Pakistan, security challenges in the region have systemic implications. The threats run the gamut from interstate and internal conflict to transnational terrorism and nuclear proliferation. Spillovers from the region’s turmoil—and from the deep unpopularity of U.S. policy there—have destabilizing impacts across Asia, Europe, and the Horn of Africa as well as on the global economy. In short, the region is a case study of...

    • ELEVEN URGENCY AND CHOICE
      (pp. 302-316)

      THE VISION PUT FORWARD in this book will be difficult to achieve, and the opportunity to build the kind of order we describe is narrow. America’s scope for forging a world based on responsible sovereignty was greater in 2001 than now and greater still in 1993. But America’s ability to lead is likely to be weaker in 2012 or 2016.

      Rising tensions between major powers and the prospects for confrontation are palpable. The global economic crisis could lead to rising demands for protectionism and the resurgence of nationalism. Should protectionism and nationalism derail international trade talks and climate negotiations, the...

  10. NOTES
    (pp. 317-346)
  11. INDEX
    (pp. 347-360)
  12. Back Matter
    (pp. 361-362)