China, the United Nations and World Order

China, the United Nations and World Order

SAMUEL S. KIM
Copyright Date: 1979
Pages: 608
https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt13x16fn
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  • Book Info
    China, the United Nations and World Order
    Book Description:

    China's role in the United Nations has been a significant one. Yet, Samuel Kim contends, as far as the literature on Chinese foreign policy is concerned, the People's Republic of China still remains outside the heuristic framework of the global community. In a comprehensive macro-analysis of Chinese global politics, Professor Kim probes China's image and strategy of world order as manifested through its behavior in the UN.

    The author draws upon a wide range of previously untapped primary sources, including China's policy pronouncements and voting record and over a hundred personal interviews with UN delegates and international civil servants. He finds that Chinese participation has made the United Nations not only more representative but also more relevant as the global political institution responding to the challenge of establishing a more humane and just world order.

    Originally published in 1979.

    ThePrinceton Legacy Libraryuses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

    eISBN: 978-1-4008-6980-0
    Subjects: Political Science, History

Table of Contents

  1. Front Matter
    (pp. i-vi)
  2. Table of Contents
    (pp. vii-viii)
  3. List of Tables
    (pp. ix-x)
  4. List of Figures
    (pp. xi-xii)
  5. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
    (pp. xiii-xv)
    S. S. K.
  6. List of Abbreviations
    (pp. xvi-2)
  7. INTRODUCTION
    (pp. 3-16)

    With all the conceptual challenges, methodological hazards, and presumptuous claims it entails, this study purports to be “pioneering” in two senses. First, it ventures into theterra incognitaof Chinese foreign policy.¹ Despite the availability of a large amount of new empirical and behavioral data,² Chinese participation in the United Nations system has received no major scholarly treatment. This is indeed a curious phenomenon. During the preentry period (1950-71), there was no shortage of scholarly and semischolarly studies on the subject of Communist China and the United Nations, but these were based necessarily on hypothetical conjectures.³ Specialists in the field...

  8. PART I. CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK:: THE CHINESE IMAGE OF WORLD ORDER
    • 1 THE TRADITIONAL CHINESE IMAGE OF WORLD ORDER
      (pp. 19-48)

      The image of world order in traditional China¹ seems to bear out the sociological maxim that men—and nations—react not to the objective reality of the world but to their image of that reality. In theory, if not always in practice, the traditional Chinese image remained tenaciously resistant to change. It was the Chinese officials’ perception of what the world was like, not what it was actually like, that determined their response to international situations, and provided a comprehensive and unifying frame of reference for the conceptualization and execution of external (“barbarian”) policy throughout most of Chinese history. The...

    • 2 THE MAOIST IMAGE OF WORLD ORDER
      (pp. 49-94)

      One recurring theme in Mao’s theoretical writings is the notion that human behavior is a reflection of human thought, and that human thought is in turn a reflection of material reality. In Mao’s funnel of causality, action is the subjective transformed into the objective. Likewise, China’s behavior in the global community can be viewed as a reflection of her image of the self and of the world. This image represents an integrated systemization of both substance and method. Substantively, it is a conscious systemization of values and norms to which the ideology aspires; it also serves as an intellectual assumption...

  9. PART II. EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS:: BEHAVIORAL DIMENSIONS OF CHINESE GLOBAL POLICY
    • 3 GLOBAL POLITICS IN THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY
      (pp. 97-177)

      The above polemical exchange represents the opening salvos of the Sino-Soviet confrontation in the global international organization. It took place only ten days after the Chinese debut in the General Assembly, during a plenary debate on the Soviet proposal for a world disarmanent conference.¹ Chinese participation in the multitude of UN organs and specialized agencies since 1971, apart from its important implications for humanity’s pursuit of an elusive world order with justice in the nuclear-ecological age, provides a firm empirical basis for a disciplined macro-inquiry into Chinese global politics. Of all the international organizations, however, the General Assembly is the...

    • 4 CHINA AND THE SECURITY COUNCIL
      (pp. 178-241)

      It is obvious that much of the world press and the public has demanded a great deal from the Security Council on the fulfillment of the Charter promise to save “succeeding generations from the scourge of war.” This may be a function of the promise of the United Nations in general and the Security Council in particular having been oversold during the early euphoric days of United Nations history.¹ It may also be due to popular oversimplification of the possibilities of the United Nations. In both theory and practice, the United Nations has adopted many paths and approaches to the...

    • 5 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC ORDER, I: THE INAUGURAL PROCESS
      (pp. 242-281)

      Since the epochal 6th Special Session of the General Assembly, a New International Economic Order (NIEO) has become increasingly prominent in the vocabulary of Chinese global politics. China has integrated NIEO with her own principled stand on development. Such an integration has a dual and mutually interactive effect. China’s own conceptualization of world order has been legitimized to a large degree by NIEO, on the one hand, and NIEO has been blessed with Chinese support, on the other. Chinese policy pronouncements and their elaboration in the various organs, agencies, and committees of the United Nations system charged with developmental activities...

    • 6 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC ORDER, II: THE IMPLEMENTATION PROCESS
      (pp. 282-333)

      To implement the new international economic order conceptualized in the three historic resolutions is indeed a Titanic task, for it would involve nothing less than restructuring the entire machinery of the world economy. In the wake of the North-South ideological confrontation at the 6th Special Session and the 29th Session of the General Assembly, such varied institutions as the World Bank, the Trilateral Commission, the Brookings Institution, and the Overseas Development Council all counseled for accommodation. But the forces of the neoconservative school, as exemplified in the writings of Irving Kristol and Daniel P. Moynihan inThe Wall StreetJournal...

    • 7 CHINA, FUNCTIONALISM, AND THE SPECIALIZED AGENCIES
      (pp. 334-404)

      The objective and scope of this chapter are eclectic. The objective is confined to delineating another behavioral dimension in the evolving Chinese strategy of world order; the scope is limited to a cross-sample of four of the eight specialized agencies in the UN family—FAO, ICAO, IMCO, ITU, UNESCO, UPU, WHO, and WMO—in which China participates. Even within these limits, no attempt is made to provide any detailed description or analysis of the function, structure, and historical evolution of each specialized agency under review, or to provide a chronological, blow-by-blow account of Chinese participation in it. To do so...

    • 8 CHINA AND INTERNATIONAL LEGAL ORDER
      (pp. 405-468)

      The entry of China into the world community has renewed an old question in a new global setting: Is China a help or a hindrance to international law and order? What impact, if any, has China made upon the evolution of international legal order? Conversely, what impact, if any, has international legal order had on the Chinese conception and practice of international law? China’s participation in the United Nations, the specialized agencies, and UN-sponsored conferences, many of which are engaged in the law-developing and law-clarifying process, now makes it possible to subject the above questions to a disciplined empirical analysis....

  10. PART III. CONCLUSION:: CHINA AND WORLD ORDER
    • 9 THE CHINESE IMAGE AND STRATEGY OF WORLD ORDER
      (pp. 471-502)

      This chapter examines critically the Chinese image and strategy of world order and their implications for the creation of a new and just world order. While relying on empirical data and behavioral referents presented in Part II, this final appraisal is made within the normative framework of a preferred future for mankind. For our analytical and reference convenience, the WOMP values may be restated and simplified as four planetary values (PVs): (PV₁) the minimization of large-scale collective violence; (PV₂) the maximization of social and economic well-being; (PV₃) the realization of fundamental human rights and conditions of political justice; and (PV₄)...

  11. INTERVIEW SCHEDULE
    (pp. 503-508)
  12. APPENDIXES
    (pp. 511-530)
  13. BIBLIOGRAPHY
    (pp. 531-566)
  14. INDEX
    (pp. 567-582)
  15. Books Written Under the Auspices of the Center of International Studies Princeton University 1952-77
    (pp. 583-587)
  16. Back Matter
    (pp. 588-588)