Money For Change

Money For Change: Social Movement Philanthropy at the Haymarket People's Fund

SUSAN A. OSTRANDER
Copyright Date: 1995
Published by: Temple University Press
Pages: 256
https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt14bsszt
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  • Book Info
    Money For Change
    Book Description:

    Charitable foundations are being called upon to operate in more pen and democratic ways and to involve a more diverse constituency. This unprecedented study details the inner workings of a democratically organized philanthropy, where funding decisions are made by community activists. Susan A. Ostrander spent two years doing intensive field research at the Haymarket People's Fund -- a small, Boston-based foundation. Based on a philosophy of raising and giving away money called "Change, Not Charity," the Fund makes grants to local grassroots social change organizations. The world of social movement funding comes alive with Ostrander's descriptions of grantmaking and policy meetings, donor events, and the day-to-day work of the Fund staff.Within this fascinating behind-the-scenes account, Ostrander argues that the "social relations of philanthropy" are more important and more varied than previously understood. Written at a time when Haymarket was dealing with crisis, this book tells a story of organizational change as the Fund moved from an informal collective to a more formal structure; it is also the story of a struggle to build a multi-race, multi-class, gender-equal organization. Ostrander details these ongoing struggles and addresses the larger issue of how fundraising can itself be a kind of social movement organizing among the progressive people with wealth who continue to be Haymarket's main donors.

    eISBN: 978-1-4399-0545-6
    Subjects: Philosophy

Table of Contents

  1. Front Matter
    (pp. i-iv)
  2. Table of Contents
    (pp. v-vi)
  3. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
    (pp. vii-x)
  4. 1 INTRODUCTION
    (pp. 1-18)

    Each week, on sunday evenings at six o’clock for several years in the early 1990s, fifty or so Boston young people, parents, and teachers met at the Church of the United Community in the primarily African American neighborhood of Roxbury. The meetings were open to the public, and people who attended were mostly young African Americans and Latin Americans, more women than men, some preteens, some in their twenties. They talked about the issues they faced—violence, drugs, unemployment, inadequate schooling, police harassment, troubled relationships between young women and men—and they strategized about what they could do to help...

  5. 2 COMMUNITY GROUPS AND COMMUNITY FUNDERS
    (pp. 19-40)

    When free my people, the grantee group introduced in Chapter 1, applied for a grant to Haymarket People’s Fund in June 1989, they listed a number of accomplishments in its first six months of existence. The group’s members had conducted a series of forums on apartheid and on the politics of drugs, attended by “hundreds of young people.” They had initiated a coalition of local youth to help combat violence in a drug-infested area in their neighborhood. Claiming “the most active Coca-Cola Boycott in the nation, with active campaigns in six Boston-area schools,” they were part of a larger effort...

  6. 3 FUNDING COMMUNITY ORGANIZING
    (pp. 41-60)

    Haymarket people’s fund grantmakers set a clear priority on giving money away to support community organizing. This is a major part of what they mean by funding “Change, Not Charity.” Still, they were not always certain what they meant by good organizing. One said, “Funding organizing is a kind of intuitive decision…. We don’t have a checklist, … but if we think they are [doing organizing], we fund them.” And a staff member told me, “Haymarket’s not being clear with our boards about what our priorities are. Boston has the clearest pattern of funding organizing, [and] other boards are funding...

  7. 4 INHERITED-WEALTH DONORS
    (pp. 61-80)

    Fundraising is the lifeblood of any public foundation, and Haymarket People’s Fund is no exception. People with inherited wealth and leftist politics were the original founders of Haymarket, and the popular image of its donors continues to be of progressive wealthy people. Several donors have appeared regularly in media articles and on television talk shows over the past two decades.¹

    The information I was able to obtain supports the commonly held view that most of this public foundation’s money comes from people with wealth. In 1990, between one-half and two-thirds of total donations came from gifts over $10,000. In that...

  8. 5 CONNECTING FUNDRAISING AND ORGANIZING
    (pp. 81-104)

    In what people at the haymarket fund considered a crisis, they suffered a decline of $200,000 in donations to the general fund between 1990 and 1991—from about $700,000 to about $500,000. This particular public foundation was certainly not alone among philanthropic organizations in experiencing a loss during these years, described in Haymarket’s May 1992 strategic plan as “the worst recession since the Great Depression.” And donations to Haymarket have since resumed earlier levels and higher.

    The seriousness of the loss in real dollars was compounded, however, by a growing realization that the Fund had been relying for most of...

  9. 6 ORGANIZATIONAL RESTRUCTURING AND DEMOCRACY
    (pp. 105-130)

    People at haymarket people’s fund, along with many other people in progressive social movement organizations formed in the 1970s, increasingly saw problems with an informal decentralized collectivist way of operating a growing organization (Freeman 1975; Rothschild-Whitt 1979; Mansbridge 1994; Sirianni 1984, 1994; Staggenborg 1988).¹ This chapter shows how and why this organization became more formalized, with clearer lines of authority, and more centralized, with more representative democracy and less participatory democracy.

    Haymarket was able to make these changes and still retain a structure true to its mission: building a society with a more equitable distribution of power as well as...

  10. 7 BEYOND DIVERSITY: BUILDING A MULTIRACE, MULTICLASS, GENDER-EQUAL ORGANIZATION
    (pp. 131-160)

    The first speaker in the comments opening this chapter is an African American man who is a member of the governing board at Haymarket People’s Fund. The second speaker is a gay white man from one of the regional funding boards, and the third is a white man who is a donor. Their remarks are typical of how people there spoke about the high priority of building a multirace, multiclass, gender-equal organization.

    In this chapter, looking at both interpersonal and institutional levels of action and interaction, I focus on the challenges and struggles that building an organization of this kind...

  11. 8 CONCLUSION
    (pp. 161-168)

    Haymarket people’s fund is unusual, and that is part of what makes it interesting. Usually, charitable foundations do not fund progressive social movement activity, especially grassroots community organizing. Usually, during those rare times when foundations do fund this kind of activity, grantmakers are movement outsiders who may not fully understand or support its goals. They may try to influence movement activists and participants to moderate their goals as a condition of funding. Usually, foundation grantmakers are from the business and professional classes, most often white men, socially distant from the constituencies of marginalized people who participate in social movement groups....

  12. APPENDIX A: METHODOLOGY/EPISTEMOLOGY
    (pp. 171-176)
  13. APPENDIX B: GRANT APPLICATION
    (pp. 177-180)
  14. NOTES
    (pp. 181-208)
  15. REFERENCES
    (pp. 209-220)
  16. INDEX
    (pp. 221-227)