On The Man Question
On The Man Question: Gender and Civic Virtue in America
MARK E. KANN
Copyright Date: 1991
Published by: Temple University Press
Pages: 352
https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt14bt5wj
Search for reviews of this book
Book Info
On The Man Question
Book Description:

Focusing on Seventeenth-Century English political philosophy and Nineteenth-Century American culture, Mark Kann challenges the widely-held view that American political institutions are grounded in the primacy of individualism. Liberal thinkers have long been concerned that men are too passionate and selfish to exercise individual rights without causing social chaos. Kann demonstrates how a desperate search to answer the man question began to revolutionize gender relations He examines "the other liberal tradition in America" which downplays the value of individualism, elevates the ongoing significance of an "engendered civic virtue," and incorporates classical republicanism into the fabric of modern political discourse.

The author traces the cultural conditioning of the white middle class that produced the ideal of self-sacrificing wives whose lives were devoted to creating a haven for their husbands and a school of virtue for their sons. Upon leaving home, these young men were to be schooled in manliness in the military in order to be capable of assuming positions of power as they were vacated by their fathers' generation. Thus, in the norms of fatherhood, fraternity, womanhood, and militarism, the male's individualism was conditioned with a strong dose of civic virtue.

eISBN: 978-1-4399-0404-6
Subjects: Political Science, Sociology
You do not have access to this book on JSTOR. Try logging in through your institution for access.
Log in to your personal account or through your institution.
Table of Contents
Export Selected Citations Export to NoodleTools Export to RefWorks Export to EasyBib Export a RIS file (For EndNote, ProCite, Reference Manager, Zotero, Mendeley...) Export a Text file (For BibTex)
Select / Unselect all
  1. Front Matter
    Front Matter (pp. i-vi)
  2. Table of Contents
    Table of Contents (pp. vii-viii)
  3. Preface
    Preface (pp. ix-xii)
  4. Introduction Individualism, Civic Virtue, and Gender
    Introduction Individualism, Civic Virtue, and Gender (pp. 1-32)

    Individualism is a powerful symbol of American life. We treasure individual rights to speak our minds, choose our values, seek our goals, and achieve self-fulfillment. We believe individual self-interest is the foundation for economic growth and prosperity. We treat individual suffrage as the definitive characteristic of democratic government. In a sense, individualism is the lifeblood of an American Dream that flows to our children, circulates among immigrants, and courses through the rhetoric of public policy. American historians record its genealogy and sociologists diagnose its effects while business leaders prescribe more of it and politicians praise it. Even critics are obsessed...

  5. Part One English Origins
    • [Part One Introduction]
      [Part One Introduction] (pp. 33-36)

      The century following the English Civil War was a remarkable moment in political thought. Longstanding beliefs in the divine right of kings and the authority of the established church were challenged. Classical theories of liberty, commonwealth, and citizenship were resurrected and reformulated. Experiments with an ideology of individual rights, commerce, and limited government were initiated. English intellectuals sensed that they were leaving traditional patriarchal politics behind, saving the best of the past and pioneering new insights for the future. Still, they were not optimists. They deeply feared that enlightened thought raced ahead of people’s ability to know it and live...

    • 1 On the Man Question
      1 On the Man Question (pp. 37-64)

      There was cause for optimism in late seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century England. Discontent, protest, civil war, and revolution dealt fatal blows to traditional patriarchal authority. Priests could no longer impose morals; princes could not sustain absolutism. A rigid system organized by coercion could conceivably become an open society based on consent. Men would reclaim ancient liberties and proclaim natural rights, produce wealth and procure prosperity, practice civic virtue and govern themselves according to the dictates of reason. Rebellion against religious and political fathers invited some talk of fraternal democracy. But intellectuals had reason for apprehension. The mob’s murmurings, merchant greed,...

    • 2 On the Woman Question
      2 On the Woman Question (pp. 65-89)

      Whigs thought modern men had grown “effeminate.” One symptom was aversion to patriarchal family responsibility. Many men avoided marriage or indefinitely delayed it to indulge in licentious, bachelor lifestyles. Others married for money, neglected wives and children, and squandered family wealth. Still other men spoiled their wives and lovers with luxuries or played the part of petty tyrants and adulterers who fostered female rebelliousness. Their behavior threatened to undo patriarchal family life, unleash women’s treachery, and unhinge social and political stability. The Whig remedy was to lure men back to patriarchal manhood, and the bait was biology and bliss. Intellectuals...

    • 3 On the Youth Question
      3 On the Youth Question (pp. 90-114)

      The Spartan story of patriotic parents who gladly gave their sons’ lives for their country has long endured in the Western imagination. The tale honored fathers who sacrificed themselves and their sons to public good and praised mothers who bred courageous warriors and incited them to heroism. It applauded youth who sought their manhood on the battlefield only to die for the state and ennobled veterans who survived trial by military ordeal to attain full citizenship. The moral of the story was that out of the crucible of war came a new generation of males to participate in and perpetuate...

  6. Part Two Locke’s Legacy
    • [Part Two Introduction]
      [Part Two Introduction] (pp. 115-118)

      John Locke gave greater prommence to men’s individual rights and materialism than classical thinkers or contemporaries. He was also more adventuresome in exploring men’s freedom and equality, political participation, and popular sovereignty. Thus, he anticipated Louis Hartz’s early American consensus. At the same time, Locke doubted men’s rationality, distrusted women’s passions, feared youthful excesses, and suffered the disenchantment that Gordon Wood identified as the motivation behind the U.S. Constitution. Locke was a harbinger of hope and fear.

      His hope was founded on a belief that men had a natural desire for fatherhood that restrained their passions and prompted their civic...

    • 4 Fathers and Sons
      4 Fathers and Sons (pp. 119-142)

      John Locke was Restoration England’s staunchest defender of individualism. He endowed men with natural rights to life, liberty, and property. He asserted that men’s rights preceded and superseded political authority. He made the defense of men’s rights the foremost task of government. Further, Locke associated men’s rights with democratic equality. He insisted that nearly all males were entitled to natural and political rights. Excepting a few lunatics and beastly souls, Locke argued that day laborers, artisans, farmers, merchants, and gentry had equal claims to rights and that young men automatically acquired rights on attaining adulthood. Remarkably, Locke’s devotion to men’s...

    • 5 Citizens and the State
      5 Citizens and the State (pp. 143-165)

      John Locke generally used republican rhetoric in his education tracts and liberal language in his political works. His writings on paternal education touted the private virtues associated with fatherhood, filial gratitude, and masculinity. He also advised fathers to school their sons in civic virtue. “I think it every man’s indispensible duty,” Locke wrote, “to do all the service he can to his country.” He added that a gentleman ought to study the “virtues and vices of civil society and the arts of government” in preparation for “service to his country.”² However, Locke’s political treatises honored religious toleration, individual rights, consent,...

    • 6 Women and Warriors
      6 Women and Warriors (pp. 166-188)

      Did John Locke pioneer liberal feminism and pacifism? Melissa Butler argues that Locke’s support for greater marital give-and-take prefigured women’s civil and political equality. Samuel Huntington thinks that Lockean liberalism validated individual rights, rationality, and peaceful conflict resolution to elevate diplomacy above war and produce in young men the expectation that they had a right to mature to adulthood without bearing arms for the state.² The historical drift of Locke’s political theory, then, was toward the inclusion of women and young men as free and equal citizens who shared the same rights and responsibilities as all men.

      Let me provide...

  7. Part Three Engendered Virtue
    • [Part Three Introduction]
      [Part Three Introduction] (pp. 189-192)

      The rhetoric of liberal individualism in America beckoned the company of republican civic virtue to restrain men’s selfishness, women’s treachery, and young men’s passions. Each generation hosted critics who worried that men’s excessive individualism and materialism threatened to destroy family life, the bonds of society, public order, and national security. Each generation recalled images of Lockean fatherhood, political patriarchy, civic fraternity, companionate marriage, and the youthful struggle for manhood to redeem men’s civic virtue and reduce women’s vices. Middle America’s Lockean consensus was that individualism wed to individual self-sacrifice for family, community, and nation promoted peace and prosperity.

      Americans adopted...

    • 7 In Search of Fathers
      7 In Search of Fathers (pp. 193-218)

      A combination of republicanism and liberalism marked the culture and politics of early America. Colonial fathers demonstrated civic virtue by taking up arms against tyranny but also deserted their families to prosecute the Revolution. The Sons of Liberty staged a successful filial rebellion to secure individual and political rights, but the Founding Fathers reestablished political authority to check individuals’ tendency to abuse their rights. The Framers of the U.S. Constitution established formal limits on governmental authority, but citizens’ informal deference to leading families and national leaders ensured a powerful state. For the next two centuries, American men both resisted political...

    • 8 In Search of Fraternity
      8 In Search of Fraternity (pp. 219-244)

      Support for liberal patriarchy as a constraint on individual excess was accompanied by doubts of its sufficiency. Men’s absence from their homes made fatherhood a part-time employment and an economic specialty. The locus of masculinity shifted to the marketplace where, many feared, the forces of individualism, materialism, and competition invited the male self-indulgence and conflicts that threatened civility. Meanwhile, ongoing fears of political tyranny continued to compromise the bond between citizens and the state. Many Americans heeded Walt Whitman’s dictum to resist much and obey little, provoking middle-class and elite apprehensions that most men were ungovernable. The defenders of social...

    • 9 The Keepers of Civic Virtue
      9 The Keepers of Civic Virtue (pp. 245-269)

      Men’s migration from household to workplace created a domestic vacuum that women quickly filled. Traditional dread of the female persisted, and women were still disciplined by patriarchy, but men’s misogynist distrust eased to accommodate a liberal marriage contract that recognized women’s new functions as household manager and primary parent. The ideal of middle-class womanhood became the pious, affectionate wife and nurturing mother whose virtues included making sacrifices for her family and providing a peaceful haven for her men. A Victorian cult of domesticity proclaimed that women perpetuated “private” virtue in the nation’s increasingly corrupt commercial society.

      If American men imagined...

    • 10 Martial Virtue
      10 Martial Virtue (pp. 270-294)

      Republican mothers were not complete citizens. They lacked formal political rights and were declared deficient in the manly strength, courage, and daring thought necessary to defend the nation in peace and war. Even after women won property and voting rights, they still lacked the informal authority to speak on major affairs of state. Nor were liberal fathers necessarily complete citizens. They might master passion, practice sobriety, consent, vote, and obey law, but equally important, they had to demonstrate a willingness to leave their families, suspend their rights, submit to military discipline, and risk their lives in wartime. Could American individualism...

  8. Conclusion Fortune Is a Man
    Conclusion Fortune Is a Man (pp. 295-316)

    The other liberal tradition in America was firmly embedded in our culture by the early twentieth century. It supported the proposition that men, women, and youth had to earn individual rights and national citizenship by demonstrating engendered civic virtue. Men who were domesticated by their mothers, lovers, and wives, trained in the rhetoric of masculinity, practiced in martial virtue if not military service, and committed to responsible fatherhood earned a reputation for sobriety, reliability, and civic virtue. They could be trusted with individual rights and full political membership. Women in the home, society, and politics could expect relative autonomy, even...

  9. Notes
    Notes (pp. 317-356)
  10. Index
    Index (pp. 357-365)