No Enemies, No Hatred

No Enemies, No Hatred

LIU XIAOBO
PERRY LINK
TIENCHI MARTIN-LIAO
LIU XIA
WITH A FOREWORD BY VÁCLAV HAVEL
Copyright Date: 2012
Published by: Harvard University Press
https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt24hh7f
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  • Book Info
    No Enemies, No Hatred
    Book Description:

    When the Nobel Peace Prize was awarded on December 10, 2010, its recipient, Liu Xiaobo, was in Jinzhou Prison, serving an eleven-year sentence for what Beijing called "incitement to subvert state power." In Oslo, actress Liv Ullmann read a long statement the activist had prepared for his 2009 trial. It read in part: "I stand by the convictions I expressed in my 'June Second Hunger Strike Declaration' twenty years ago-I have no enemies and no hatred. None of the police who monitored, arrested, and interrogated me, none of the prosecutors who indicted me, and none of the judges who judged me are my enemies." That statement is one of the pieces in this book, which includes writings spanning two decades, providing insight into all aspects of Chinese life. Liu speaks pragmatically, yet with deep-seated passion, about peasant land disputes, Han Chinese in Tibet, child slavery, the Internet in China, the contemporary craze for Confucius, and the Tiananmen massacre. Also presented are poems written for his wife, Liu Xia, public documents, and a foreword by Václav Havel. These works not only chronicle a leading dissident's struggle against tyranny but enrich the record of universal longing for freedom and dignity.

    eISBN: 978-0-674-06311-2
    Subjects: Language & Literature, Political Science, Philosophy

Table of Contents

  1. Front Matter
    (pp. i-iv)
  2. Table of Contents
    (pp. v-viii)
  3. FOREWORD
    (pp. ix-xii)
    Václav Havel, Dana Němcová and Václav Malý

    It was more than thirty years ago that we, a group of 242 private citizens concerned about human rights in Czechoslovakia, came together to sign a manifesto called Charter 77. That document called on the Communist Party to respect human rights, and said clearly that we no longer wanted to live in fear of state repression. Our disparate group included ex-Communists, Catholics, Protestants, workers, liberal intellectuals, artists, and writers who came together to speak with one voice. We were united by our dissatisfaction with a regime that demanded acts of obedience on an almost daily basis. After Charter 77 was...

  4. INTRODUCTION
    (pp. xiii-xxiv)
    Perry Link

    Liu Xiaobo is one of those unusual people who can look at human life from the broadest of perspectives and reason about it from first principles. His keen intellect notices things that others also look at, but do not see. It seems that hardly any topic in Chinese culture, politics, or society evades his interest, and he can write with analytic calm about upsetting things. One might expect such calm in a recluse—a hermit poet, or a cloistered scholar—but in Liu Xiaobo it comes in an activist. Repeatedly he has gone where he thinks he should go, and...

  5. PART I. POLITICS WITH CHINESE CHARACTERISTICS
    • LISTEN CAREFULLY TO THE VOICES OF THE TIANANMEN MOTHERS Reading the Unedited Interview Transcripts of Family Members Bereaved by the Massacre
      (pp. 3-12)

      Reading the recollections of bereaved family members allows me to see in detail the cruelty of the executioners, and, even more clearly, the brightness of humanity that shone in the midst of great terror.

      Immediately after the massacre in Beijing on June 4, 1989, Chinese authorities exploited their monopoly of the mass media in order to blur the difference between black and white. They constantly repeated how cruelly so-called thugs had treated the martial-law troops and tried their best to hide the truth about how the troops had wantonly slaughtered ordinary people. But despite the government-imposed lockdown on alternate sources...

    • YOUR SEVENTEEN YEARS Two years after Tiananmen
      (pp. 13-15)

      Foreword: Though your father warned you not to go, you snuck out the bathroom window. When you fell, flag in hand, you were only seventeen. I lived. I am now thirty-six. In the face of your death, living is a crime, and writing this poem for you is an even greater shame. The living must hold their peace, and listen to the voices from the grave. I am not worthy to write poetry for you. Your seventeen years are more precious than any work of words or hands....

    • STANDING AMID THE EXECRATIONS OF TIME Ten years after Tiananmen
      (pp. 16-20)
    • TO CHANGE A REGIME BY CHANGING A SOCIETY
      (pp. 21-29)

      China has now officially seen more than twenty years of “reform.” Yet because of the Communist Party’s continuing jealous grip on power, and because popular movements within society remain diffuse, there is no prospect that any organization will be able to muster a political force sufficient to bring regime change any time soon. There is also no sign within the ruling elite of an enlightened figure like Mikhail Gorbachev or Chiang Ching-kuo, who in the late 1980s and early 1990s helped turn the USSR and Taiwan toward democracy. For these reasons China’s transition toward a modern, free society must necessarily...

    • THE LAND MANIFESTOS OF CHINESE FARMERS
      (pp. 30-36)

      During the final month of 2007 in mainland China, there was a spate of public declarations in which farmers laid claim to their land.

      On December 9 in Heilongjiang Province, 40,000 farmers from 72 villages, one of which was Dongnan’gang Village in Fujin township, declared before the whole country that they owned their land by right. A few days earlier, on November 28, villagers convened a democratic assembly to begin a reclaim of land that had been forcibly taken from them. The next day they surveyed the land, and the day after that prepared to re-allocate the land. On December...

    • XIDAN DEMOCRACY WALL AND CHINA’S ENLIGHTENMENT
      (pp. 37-46)

      The official commemoration of thirty years (1978–2008) of reform in China will soon be upon us, and it is bound to bulge with self-congratulation. The government will put on an ostentatious show that arrogates all achievements to itself and displays a glorious report card on reform for the whole world to see. All the positive changes will be described as having been initiated by official power and unfolding from the top down. In my view such a reading is not only unjust but also very far from actual history.

      The thirty years of reform can be explained by two...

    • THE SPIRITUAL LANDSCAPE OF THE URBAN YOUNG IN POST-TOTALITARIAN CHINA
      (pp. 47-57)

      China’s post-totalitarian era has two distinguishing characteristics. First, the rulers still want desperately to hold on to their dictatorial system in the midst of a crisis of legitimacy. Second, society no longer approves of such a system of dictatorship. A spontaneously growing civil society is gradually coming into being, and, although it does not yet have the strength to change the existing system, the increasing pluralism of its economy and its values, like water dripping on stone, is gradually eroding our rigid political monism.

      In spiritual life, post-totalitarian China has entered an Age of Cynicism in which people no longer...

    • WHAT ONE CAN BEAR For my suffering wife
      (pp. 58-59)
    • A KNIFE SLID INTO THE WORLD For my Xia
      (pp. 60-61)
    • BELLICOSE AND THUGGISH The Roots of Chinese “Patriotism” at the Dawn of the Twenty-First Century
      (pp. 62-84)

      During the last century of China’s history the nation has fallen victim to cycles of self-abasement and self-aggrandizement, and this is because we have never been able to escape the clutches of the demon of nationalism.

      Some say that a century and a half ago the Opium War plunged China into “the greatest transformation in a thousand years.” If so, then today, after traversing a tortuous, painful, and traumatic path, and after missing plenty of opportunities to transform ourselves, we now perhaps should say that China has reached “the most favorable situation in a thousand years.” It is most favorable...

    • STATE OWNERSHIP OF LAND IS THE AUTHORITIES’ MAGIC WAND FOR FORCED EVICTION
      (pp. 85-93)

      China’s 2007 “property law” may have brought some order to the question of land seizures by providing evicted people with compensation and guaranteeing their living standards. Yet one of the core purposes of the law is to preserve the principle of “public” ownership of land, and this is the provision that allows the government, using the powers and procedures of the law, to expropriate not only land and work units that have been communal property but also private residences and other real estate, provided only that such action is deemed to be in the “public interest.”

      The equal protection of...

    • A DEEPER LOOK INTO WHY CHILD SLAVERY IN CHINA’S “BLACK KILNS” COULD HAPPEN
      (pp. 94-106)

      It has been nearly two months since the news from Shanxi of labor by “child slaves” in “black kilns” shocked China and the world, and yet—compared with the huge public outcry and demands for investigation, compared with the blizzard of official directives, apologies, and dispatches of personnel, compared with the blanket of police enquiries and the announced resolve of Shanxi officials to “completely solve the slavery question within ten days”—the actual results in the case have been perfunctory and superficial.

      Slave-labor kilns have proliferated widely during the past decade, but to look at the official response you would...

    • THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE “WENG’AN INCIDENT”
      (pp. 107-114)

      A series of major events in China in this Olympic year of 2008 have been attracting the attention of the world. In March the crisis in Tibet seriously hurt China’s Olympic image. Then, in May, a huge earthquake in Sichuan handed the Communist regime a chance to restore its tarnished image by using “earthquake relief” to give the impression of “a new China bursting forth from the quake.” But shortly thereafter, another large-scale conflict between Chinese officials and Chinese people emerged to shock the country and the world.

      On June 28, 2008, only forty days before the opening ceremony of...

  6. PART II. CULTURE AND SOCIETY
    • EPILOGUE TO CHINESE POLITICS AND CHINA’S MODERN INTELLECTUALS
      (pp. 117-127)

      This book may have some value in comparing China and the West, and maybe in the project of reforming China as well. China’s present condition, in international comparison, is just too outmoded, too degenerate, too fossilized, and too senile; it needs challenge, even “menace,” from another civilization; it needs a vast and surging, boundless sea to pound it out of its isolation, its solitude, and its narrow-mindedness; it even needs a taste of the humiliation of “falling behind” in order to spur its determination to transform itself. Western culture can serve as a comparison that helps to illuminate the contours,...

    • ON LIVING WITH DIGNITY IN CHINA
      (pp. 128-130)

      In a totalitarian state, the purpose of politics is power and power alone. The “nation” and its peoples are mentioned only to give an air of legitimacy to the application of power. The people accept this devalued existence, asking only to live from day to day.

      This has remained a constant for the Chinese, duped in the past by Communist hyperbole, and bribed in the present with promises of peace and prosperity. All along, they have subsisted in an inhuman wasteland.

      They live without a shred of human dignity, valued only as pawns in a system ruled by fear.

      Mao...

    • LOOKING UP AT JESUS For my unassuming wife
      (pp. 131-133)
    • ELEGY TO LIN ZHAO, LONE VOICE OF CHINESE FREEDOM
      (pp. 134-136)

      Dear Lin Zhao,

      My friend Professor Ding Zilin told me about how, one year, she sought out your grave in Suzhou, your hometown, on the day of the Qingming Festival. As a token of respect, she composed a belated eulogy and left you an offering of flowers.

      But was that really your grave? No one knows. In our land of more than three and a half million square miles, where lie your remains? And how many of the 1.3 billion Chinese people are able to commune with your departed spirit?

      At the time of your execution, our entire land was...

    • BA JIN The Limp White Flag
      (pp. 137-145)

      On october 17, 2005, the distinguished Chinese writer Ba Jin, renowned for his “conscience” and for having lived a full hundred years in this world, finally found his release from it. He took with him his mission, never fully realized, to “tell the truth” about the Cultural Revolution; also his spiritual malaise, which he could never fully dispel, over his own involvement; and finally his proposal for a “Cultural Revolution Museum,” which never reached fruition.

      On the afternoon of October 24 there was a funeral for Ba Jin at the Longhua Funeral Home in Shanghai. President Hu Jintao and other...

    • ALONE IN WINTER To Xia
      (pp. 146-147)
    • VAN GOGH AND YOU For Xiao Xia
      (pp. 148-149)
    • THE EROTIC CARNIVAL IN RECENT CHINESE HISTORY
      (pp. 150-174)

      In the years since the tiananmen massacre, the rampant materialism of the power elite’s moves to privatize wealth has given rise in China to a consumer culture that has grown ever more hedonistic, superficial, and vulgar, and the social function of this materialism has been to bolster the dictatorial political order. Sarcasm in the entertainment world has turned into a kind of spiritual massage that numbs people’s consciences and paralyzes their memories; incessant propaganda about “the state drawing close to the people” reinforces the notion that the government is the savior of the people—who accordingly are its servants. Meanwhile...

    • YOUR LIFELONG PRISONER To Xia
      (pp. 175-176)
    • FROM WANG SHUO’S WICKED SATIRE TO HU GE’S EGAO Political Humor in a Post-Totalitarian Dictatorship
      (pp. 177-187)

      For the past two years, egao has been popular on the Chinese Internet. It uses parody, twisted meanings, and odd juxtapositions to produce an “air of absurdity” that pokes fun at tradition, authority, famous people, fashions, and major public events. Big names in film and television have been favorite targets, and so have cultural icons, current fads, and the Mao-era “red classics.” Recent searches on my computer yield some startling results: more than 300,000 egao on film director Chen Kaige; more than 900,000 on the Super Girl sweepstakes and nearly 200,000 more on the Fine Boy sweepstakes; 110,000 on the...

    • YESTERDAY’S STRAY DOG BECOMES TODAY’S GUARD DOG
      (pp. 188-200)

      Chinese people are talking excitedly these days about the rise of China as a great nation. First we spoke of an economic rise, then a cultural rise; we started spreading money around the globe, then exported soft power. There have been fads for reading the classics, for honoring the memory of Confucius, and for promoting Confucian ethics. China Central Television (CCTV), pressing to reestablish an orthodoxy in China, has used its program Lecture Hall to touch off a fad for reading The Analects. The government has put big money into “Confucius Institutes” around the world in an effort to spread...

    • MY PUPPY’S DEATH To my beloved Pinkie
      (pp. 201-202)
    • LONG LIVE THE INTERNET
      (pp. 203-210)

      More and more chinese are using the Internet. This year, 2006, the number has exceeded one hundred million. [When this book went to press the number had passed 450 million.—Ed.] The Communist regime, always obsessed with media control, has been frantic to keep up with Chinese Web users. It tries this, tries that, fidgeting and twitching through a range of ludicrous policy contortions in its attempts to stay on top of things. Its fundamental dilemma is this: on the one hand, its imbalanced economic reforms may well collapse if high growth rates cannot be sustained, and the super-efficient Internet...

    • IMPRISONING PEOPLE FOR WORDS AND THE POWER OF PUBLIC OPINION
      (pp. 211-220)

      China has a rich tradition of persecuting people for their words. Victims are strewn across Chinese history from the First Emperor of Qin (259 bce–210 bce) and his famous “burning of books and live burials of scholars” to Mao Zedong’s 1957 Anti-Rightist Campaign and 1966–1969 Cultural Revolution. In these pogroms even family members and acquaintances of victims have been punished. Today, thirty years after the beginning of “reform and opening,” at least eighty journalists and online writers are in prison in China. The “glorious” 2008 Beijing Olympics are drawing near, but accounts of the imprisonments are banned from...

  7. PART III. CHINA AND THE WORLD
    • BEHIND THE “CHINA MIRACLE”
      (pp. 223-227)

      In the years following the Tiananmen Massacre of June 4, 1989, China saw economic growth that far surpassed what happened in the 1980s. Deng Xiaoping was attempting to recoup his authority and to reassert his regime’s legitimacy after both had melted away because of the massacre. He set out to build his power through economic growth, justifying the move with the slogan “development is the bottom line.”

      As the storm clouds cleared and the economy began to flourish, powerful officials saw an opportunity to make sudden and enormous profits. Their unscrupulous pursuit of profit became the engine of the ensuing...

    • BEHIND THE RISE OF THE GREAT POWERS
      (pp. 228-239)

      No list of the major topics in public discussion in China during 2006 can omit the blockbuster production by China Central Television (CCTV) called The Rise of the Great Powers. From November 13 to November 24, CCTV’s channel 2 broadcast, with great fanfare, a 12-part documentary of that name, and an eight-volume set of books by the same name was published to coincide with the television shows. The theme of this massive project, which was three years in the making, is the history of the rise and fall of great world powers. To get it done, seven separate Chinese production...

    • TO ST. AUGUSTINE For Xia, who likes The Confessions
      (pp. 240-241)
    • HATS OFF TO KANT For Xia, who has never read Kant
      (pp. 242-244)
    • THE COMMUNIST PARTY’S “OLYMPIC GOLD MEDAL SYNDROME”
      (pp. 245-255)

      In the seven years between Beijing’s successful bid to host the Olympics in 2001 and the opening of the Games in 2008, the government ran a nationalistic publicity campaign that emphasized “the Hundred-Year Olympic Dream.” In the final year, as the countdown to the Games entered the home stretch, this campaign went into a sprint. The mainland media were saturated with PR about the Olympics. Once the Games started, a tidal wave of patriotic sentiment first focused on the lavish, dreamlike opening ceremony, then switched to an obsession with the gold-medal count.

      Chinese state television—local stations as well as...

    • HONG KONG TEN YEARS AFTER THE HANDOVER
      (pp. 256-261)

      The upcoming tenth anniversary of Hong Kong’s handover from London to Beijing is a splendid occasion for the regime in China but a sorrowful one for the people of Hong Kong.

      On July 1, the day of the anniversary, China’s President Hu Jintao will visit Hong Kong to accept the tribute of its pro-Beijing faction and to flaunt the might of his dictatorship. Meanwhile, the people of Hong Kong will continue their ten-year struggle for democracy by greeting their mainland overlord with yet another expression of their aspirations. They have planned a protest march for this day to demand “twin...

    • SO LONG AS HAN CHINESE HAVE NO FREEDOM, TIBETANS WILL HAVE NO AUTONOMY
      (pp. 262-266)

      As of today, April 10, the crisis in Tibet has held the attention of the world for one month. If the regime of Hu Jintao and Wen Jiabao cannot come up with some acceptable responses, Tibetan resistance as well as the censure of the international community will likely extend through this summer’s Beijing Olympics and the world may very well take a dim view of the Games. The protests that have accompanied the Olympic Torch relay along its route outside of China already show how this can happen.

      Within China’s borders, the regime of course can quell Tibetan resistance by...

    • ONE MORNING For Xia, who went to Tibet alone
      (pp. 267-268)
    • DISTANCE For Xia
      (pp. 269-269)
    • OBAMA’S ELECTION, THE REPUBLICAN FACTOR, AND A PROPOSAL FOR CHINA
      (pp. 270-274)

      The sight of the obama family waving to the people in their new role as the next occupants of the White House sparked long-dormant political enthusiasm in America and around the world.

      The eyes of the entire world were on this election because the status of the United States as a superpower and as the leading nation in the free world makes its president the most powerful man on earth. People even jokingly refer to him as “the President of the World.”

      People were watching this election with some problems in mind as well. The financial crisis and the quagmire...

  8. PART IV. DOCUMENTS
    • THE JUNE SECOND HUNGER STRIKE DECLARATION
      (pp. 277-283)

      We announce a hunger strike. We protest, we implore, and we repent.

      We seek not death, but to live true lives.

      Faced with violent and irrational military repression of the kind that the Li Peng government is currently applying, Chinese intellectuals must end our thousands-of-years-old traditions of standing in docility before power. We can no longer use words alone while taking no action. We must, through action, resist martial law, declare the birth of a new political culture, and repent the mistakes to which our long-term weakness has given rise. All of us must bear responsibility for the backwardness in...

    • YOU • GHOSTS • THE DEFEATED For my wife
      (pp. 284-285)
    • A LETTER TO LIAO YIWU
      (pp. 286-289)

      Dear baldie (or is it Beardie?):

      Liu Xia and I have been reading your Testimony every night. She can take in ten lines at a time, but I have to chew on every word. Without prejudging how dumb you might be in the future, at least you know whom you’re hitting the hardest.

      Compared with your years in prison, my three prison stints were pretty mild. During the first, at Qincheng [Beijing’s prison for elite prisoners, where Liu stayed from June 1989 to January 1991—Ed.], I had my own cell, and my living conditions were better than what you...

    • FEET SO COLD, SO SMALL For my Icy Little Toes
      (pp. 290-291)
    • USING TRUTH TO UNDERMINE A SYSTEM BUILT ON LIES Statement of Thanks in Accepting the Outstanding Democracy Activist Award
      (pp. 292-299)

      My literary life began when I was an “educated youth” in the 1970s. It was an era of revolutionary fervor when empty slogans and blind passions, including the lies in Quotations of Chairman Mao, ran rampant. As a young man I embraced all of them as the absolute truth. Then, in the 1980s, when my writings began to receive some public recognition, I saw myself with equal confidence as having outgrown Mao-era language and as now grounding my writings in a quest for human dignity and the living of an honest life. Like someone who strikes it rich overnight, I...

    • CHARTER 08
      (pp. 300-312)
      Perry Link

      A hundred years have passed since the writing of China’s first constitution. 2008 also marks the sixtieth anniversary of the promulgation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the thirtieth anniversary of the appearance of the Democracy Wall in Beijing, and the tenth of China’s signing of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. We are approaching the twentieth anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen Massacre of pro-democracy student protesters. The Chinese people, who have endured human rights disasters and uncountable struggles across these same years, now include many who see clearly that freedom, equality, and human rights are universal...

    • MY SELF-DEFENSE
      (pp. 313-320)

      Criminal indictment Number 247 of Branch One of the Beijing Prosecutor’s Office for the year 2009 lists six of my articles plus Charter 08, quotes about 330 characters from them, and uses these quotations as its bases to charge that criminal responsibility should be determined for my having violated the stipulations of Article 105, Section 2, of the Criminal Law of the People’s Republic of China regarding “incitement of subversion of state power.”

      The statements in the Indictment that follow the phrase “after [he] solicited more than 300 signatures” contain some factual inaccuracies. Other than that, I have no objection...

    • I HAVE NO ENEMIES My Final Statement
      (pp. 321-326)

      June 1989 has been the major turning point in my life, which now is just over one half century in length.

      Until June 1989, I had an academic career and it was flourishing. I was part of the class of 1977, the first group of students to enter university after the national entrance examinations were reinstated in the post-Mao era. After college I went on to M.A. and Ph.D. degrees and then was offered a teaching position at my alma mater, Beijing Normal University, where my teaching was well received by students. Beyond the classroom, my books and articles provoked...

    • THE CRIMINAL VERDICT Beijing No. 1 Intermediate People’s Court Criminal Judgment No. 3901 (2009)
      (pp. 327-340)

      Prosecuting organ: Branch No. 1 of the People’s Procuratorate of Beijing

      Defendant: Liu Xiaobo, male; 53 years of age (born December 28, 1955); Han nationality; born in Changchun city, Jilin Province; Ph.D. education; unemployed; household registry 2-1-2 number 5 Qingchun St., Xigang District, Dalian city, Liaoning Province; current address no. 502, Unit One, Building 10, Bank of China apartments, Seven Sages Village, Haidian District, Beijing City. Convicted in September 1996 of disturbing social order and sent for three years of reeducation-through-labor. Detained for questioning on suspicion of incitement to subvert state power on December 8, 2008. Put under residential surveillance...

  9. BIBLIOGRAPHY
    (pp. 341-344)
  10. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
    (pp. 345-346)
    Perry Link
  11. INDEX
    (pp. 347-366)