Crusade and Christendom

Crusade and Christendom: Annotated Documents in Translation from Innocent III to the Fall of Acre, 1187-1291

Jessalynn Bird
Edward Peters
James M. Powell
Copyright Date: 2013
Pages: 536
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  • Book Info
    Crusade and Christendom
    Book Description:

    In 1213, Pope Innocent III issued his letterVineam Domini, thundering against the enemies of Christendom-the "beasts of many kinds that are attempting to destroy the vineyard of the Lord of Sabaoth"-and announcing a General Council of the Latin Church as redress. The Fourth Lateran Council, which convened in 1215, was unprecedented in its scope and impact, and it called for the Fifth Crusade as what its participants hoped would be the final defense of Christendom. For the first time, a collection of extensively annotated and translated documents illustrates the transformation of the crusade movement.

    Crusade and Christendomexplores the way in which the crusade was used to define and extend the intellectual, religious, and political boundaries of Latin Christendom. It also illustrates how the very concept of the crusade was shaped by the urge to define and reform communities of practice and belief within Latin Christendom and by Latin Christendom's relationship with other communities, including dissenting political powers and heretical groups, the Moors in Spain, the Mongols, and eastern Christians. The relationship of the crusade to reform and missionary movements is also explored, as is its impact on individual lives and devotion. The selection of documents and bibliography incorporates and brings to life recent developments in crusade scholarship concerning military logistics and travel in the medieval period, popular and elite participation, the role of women, liturgy and preaching, and the impact of the crusade on western society and its relationship with other cultures and religions.

    Intended for the undergraduate yet also invaluable for teachers and scholars, this book illustrates how the crusades became crucial for defining and promoting the very concept and boundaries of Latin Christendom. It provides translations of and commentaries on key original sources and up-to-date bibliographic materials.

    eISBN: 978-0-8122-0765-1
    Subjects: History, Religion

Table of Contents

  1. Front Matter
    (pp. i-vi)
  2. Table of Contents
    (pp. vii-x)
  3. Editors’ Note
    (pp. xi-xii)
  4. Maps
    (pp. xiii-xviii)
  5. Note on Abbreviations and Translation
    (pp. xix-xxii)
  6. Introduction:: Crusade and Christendom, 1187–1291
    • Introduction
      (pp. 1-4)

      In his letterVineam Dominiof April 1213, laced with familiar biblical citations and echoes of others, Pope Innocent III (b. ca. 1160, r. 1198–1216) called for a general council of the Latin Church, vividly depicting the dangers facing universal Christendom and what he perceived to be the two most pressing and closely related tasks before it. To be sure, the first fifteen years of Innocent’s pontificate had not neglected these problems, and the young pope had sent hundreds of letters concerning the threatened state of Christendom—letters that had urged, begged, cajoled, entreated, and thundered against the enemies...

    • 1. Pope Gregory VIII, Audita tremendi, October 29, 1187
      (pp. 4-23)

      The death of Pope Urban III on October 20, 1187, reportedly upon hearing the news of the slaughter at Hattin, resulted in the election of the elderly reform-minded papal chancellor Albert of Morra as Pope Gregory VIII on October 21. Within a week, Gregory, who himself died two months later, issued the letterAudita tremendi, not only the most impassioned plea for a crusade ever issued by a pope until then, but the fullest detailed account of crusaders’ spiritual and temporal rewards and privileges to date. The letter was read aloud at the papal court—at the time in Ferrara,...

  7. Part I. The Pope, Crusades, and Communities, 1198–1213
    • [Part I. Introduction]
      (pp. 24-28)

      As Christoph Maier has observed, the thirteenth was “arguably the century with the most intense and varied crusading activity of the entire Middle Ages.”¹ Of course the circumstances of earlier crusade activity in northern Europe and Iberia and the changing fortunes of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem in the twelfth century, as well as the powerful Cistercian devotional commitment to the idea of crusade surely suggested the adaptability of the idea of crusade across a broader spectrum of ecclesiastical concern than Jerusalem and the Holy Land alone. But such adaptability played out most dramatically in the years after 1198, when...

    • 2. Innocent III, Post miserabile, August 13, 1198
      (pp. 28-37)

      As the author of theGesta Innocentii, the first volume of the register of Innocent’s letters, and virtually all recent scholarship make abundantly clear, the first year of Innocent’s pontificate was occupied with a number of major political and moral crises that compelled most of the pope’s time and attention. Among these were the instability of the city of Rome and the papal territories and the problem of the divided and dangerous kingdom of Sicily in the wake of the death of Henry VI and the attempted takeover of the kingdom by Henry’s powerful servants as well as the return...

    • 3. Innocent III, Multe nobis attulit, 1199
      (pp. 38-42)

      From the very beginning of his pontificate, Innocent III turned his attention to the problem of the Holy Land. Within a few weeks of his election and coronation, in early February 1198, he wrote to the patriarch of Jerusalem and to the duke of Brabant and the landgrave of Thuringia, all of whom were already in the East on the crusade launched by the emperor Henry VI in 1196. His concerns were later reflected not only in dozens of his letters but in daily life at the papal curia, in his appointment of crusade legates and preachers, and in his...

    • 4. Rite for Blessing Those Taking the Cross from the Late Twelfth-Century Lambrecht Pontifical
      (pp. 42-47)

      How did one become a crusader? And how did others know? From the Council of Clermont (1095) onward, crusaders typically sewed cloth crosses onto their clothing as the outward symbol of the legally and spiritually binding vows they took. The cross joined the other visible symbols of pilgrim status, the staff and the scrip. Yet, because of the intimate association of the crusade with the Jerusalem pilgrimage, a separate formal liturgy for taking the cross was slow to develop. Legally and spiritually, crusaders were to be classified as pilgrims, and there was originally no standard procedure or format for taking...

    • 5. Letters of Innocent III to Hubert Walter on the Preaching and Financing of the Crusade, 1200–1201
      (pp. 47-52)

      During preparations for the Fourth Crusade, Innocent III approved the revivalist and reforming message that the popular preacher Fulk of Neuilly and others had linked to recruiting for the crusade and allowed Fulk to appoint co-preachers from various orders of monks and canons regular. Later, in preparation for the Fifth Crusade, Innocent directly appointed teams of individual preachers to organize recruiting in each region. Probably chosen according to the advice of the legate Robert Courson and other individuals known to Innocent, the teams often consisted of a blend of regular religious, often Cistercians and Premonstratensians, and clerics from local dioceses,...

    • 6. Facets of the Fourth Crusade, 1202–1204
      (pp. 52-66)

      All of the sources and most of the scholarship on the history of the Fourth Crusade are available in English translation and listed below. The selections presented here are intended to offer several key moments in the process of the assembly, developing organization, and financial and political difficulties that the crusade encountered, certainly not even a synopsis of the entire crusade. They were made and translated by the founder of crusade history in the United States, Dana C. Munro, in a pamphlet entitledThe Fourth Crusade, which appeared as volume 3, number 1, of the pioneering translation seriesTranslations and...

    • 7. The Albigensian Crusade, 1209–1229
      (pp. 66-82)

      The Albigensian Crusade, launched by Innocent III in 1209, is conventionally regarded as the key moment in crusade history in which the crusade was turned against Christians, not, as at Zara and Constantinople in 1204, as a result of insufficient planning and organization, unforeseen circumstances, and political contingencies, but deliberately and with a full array of crusade features as these had become widely recognized and required during the second half of the twelfth century: papal declaration, preaching, recruiting, privileges, definition of crusader status, and protection of crusaders’ property. The selections here are representative of slightly different and largely monastic viewpoints....

    • 8. Innocent III and the Intercessory Processions of 1212
      (pp. 82-85)

      In a circular letter sent throughout Europe in 1212, Pope Innocent III urged prelates to organize processions along the model of one he had already held in Rome to earn divine favor for the Christian army opposing the Almohad offensive at what would become known as the battle of Las Navas de Tolosa (below, No. 9). To craft his new liturgical form of intercession for the crusade, Innocent appears to have drawn on the penitential resonances and liturgical form of the sevenfold litany of Gregory I (590–604), whom Innocent much admired, local processions held in honor of the feast...

    • 9. The Battle of Las Navas de Tolosa, 1212
      (pp. 85-95)

      The Iberian Peninsula had long been considered a special area of conflict because of the protracted struggle between Muslim and Christian forces. Papal privileges for participation in Iberian Christian military campaigns usually strongly resembled the privileges for those crusading in the East. In 1147 Pope Eugenius III issued the privilegeDivina dispensatione, equating the campaigns in Iberia with those against the Wends in northern Europe, and both with the crusade to the East. In 1155 the papal legate Cardinal Hyacinth Bobone (later Pope Celestine III, 1191–1198) called for a crusade at the Council of Valladolid. But political rivalries among...

    • 10. The Children’s Crusade, 1212–1213
      (pp. 95-105)

      Although older histories viewed the crusade of thepuerias either an eschatological self-sacrifice perpetuated by children or an outbreak of mass hysteria, recent studies have suggested that thepueriwere not necessarily all children. From the First Crusade onward, there was a continuous tradition of actual or attempted popular participation in the crusade, often sparked by itinerant preachers who stressed apostolic poverty. In the spring of 1212, a combination of intensive recruiting for various crusades since 1187 and the more immediate stimulus of processions instituted prior to the battle of Las Navas de Tolosa (above, Nos. 8 and 9)...

  8. Part II. Crusade and Council, 1213–1215
    • [Part II. Introduction]
      (pp. 106-107)

      The Fourth Lateran Council, first announced in the letterVineam Dominiof 1213, took place in the Lateran basilica and palace complex in Rome from November 11 to November 30, 1215. Not only did it represent the culmination of the work of the legislative councils of the twelfth century, but it incorporated the intellectual and scientific developments in the fields of theology and canon law that had taken place in the schools as well as the strong claims for papal authority that had grown up at the same time in both fields. The council also, as Innocent had said in...

    • 11. Innocent III, Quia maior, 1213
      (pp. 107-112)

      In April 1213, the papal curia drafted three letters setting forth the plans of Pope Innocent III for a new crusade and summoning a general council to be held in 1215. The longest of these letters, known asQuia maiorfrom the opening words of its Latin text, was devoted to planning for the crusade. A second letter,Pium et sanctum, issued at the same time (No. 12 below) appointed preachers to work on behalf of the crusade, whileVineam Domini(discussed above, Introduction) announced the purpose and date of the council. Innocent devoted great care to the preparation for...

    • 12. Innocent III, Pium et sanctum, 1213
      (pp. 112-113)

      Following his general letterQuia maior, Innocent III sent the following letter, known asPium et sanctum, around the middle of April 1213 to those he was appointing as crusade preachers. This letter was addressed to individuals whose work was already known to the papal curia, who had served, in many cases, as judges delegate. Many possessed considerable education. It is evident that the pope wished to use the two years prior to the meeting of the Fourth Lateran Council for a systematic program of crusade recruitment. His preachers reached all parts of western Europe. The copy translated here was...

    • 13. An Anonymous Crusade-Recruiting Sermon, ca. 1213–1217
      (pp. 114-119)

      From the late twelfth to the mid-thirteenth century, networks of Paris-trained masters collaborated with members of the Cistercian, Premonstratensian, and, later, mendicant orders in the promotion of various reforming and pastoral programs and several crusades. The increasing institutionalization and intensification of crusade recruiting meant that, for the first time, manuals specifically designed for the crusade preacher began to be produced, and crusading sermons were recorded by Paris masters and their monastic and mendicant coworkers. Because these reformers viewed the crusade as an expression of religious devotion and penitence akin to life as a regular religious and the imitation of Christ...

    • 14. Innocent Responds to Queries by Conrad of Speyer, Quod iuxta verbum, September 1213
      (pp. 119-120)

      Many of the individuals whom Innocent III appointed to preach the Fifth Crusade were highly educated men who had either served effectively as judges delegate or proved their experience in spiritual and legal matters as leaders of important religious groups or houses. Conrad, dean of Speyer, was one of those individuals: from a prominent German family and educated in Paris, Conrad had already distinguished himself in preaching the Albigensian Crusade and would go on to become bishop of Hildesheim and imperial chancellor to Frederick II and continue to coordinate crusade efforts in Germany in that capacity. His queries to Innocent...

    • 15. Roger Wendover on the Fourth Lateran Council and the Expeditio
      (pp. 121-124)

      Roger Wendover was not present at Rome during the Fourth Lateran Council, but he was, as usual, fairly well informed about it, probably by someone who had been present and may have brought back early written accounts. His account of the council is particularly interesting because it preserves and mislocates a version of theExpeditio, canon 71 of the council, that is different from the full canon that exists in the record of the council (below, No. 16,Ad liberandam). His version of the text and circumstances of the crusade canon should be compared with the formal text ofAd...

    • 16. The Fourth Lateran Council, Canon 71, Ad liberandam, 1215
      (pp. 124-129)

      Although the crusade, along with church (and individual) reform, was Innocent’s great purpose in convoking the Fourth Lateran Council, the actual crusade privilege, designated asExpeditioin manuscripts and early printed editions of the canons of the council, was always located after canon 70 but was not numbered. Nor wasAd liberandamincluded with the other canons in later canon law collections, and only an excerpt appeared in the canon law collectionLiber extraissued by Gregory IX in 1234, since it was considered to apply only to a unique event. Evidently, Innocent III worked on the text after the...

  9. Part III. The Fifth Crusade, 1213–1221
    • [Part III. Introduction]
      (pp. 130-131)

      The Fifth Crusade was the campaign envisioned inVineam Dominiin 1213, announced to the faithful and to crusade preachers inQuia maiorandPium et sanctum, also in 1213, and formally announced inAd liberandamin 1215. A pope, not individual nobles and their willful and underfunded followers, as in the Fourth Crusade, nor an emperor, as in the crusade of 1197–1198, was to direct the vast enterprise. The crusade was also far more carefully planned and financed than earlier crusades. It revealed a greater degree of commitment on the part of participants, most from Italy but others...

    • 17. Signs and Portents: From the Chronicle of Roger Wendover, 1217
      (pp. 131-133)

      These brief selections offer a flavor of men’s apprehensiveness and eagerness to answer the summons of Innocent’s successor, Pope Honorius III (1216–1227). Twelfth- and thirteenth-century Christians recognized two sources of revelation, Scripture and the book of nature. Natural phenomena could also point, even if uncertainly, toward some momentous event or transformation of the world. There is evidence that signs and portents were collected, sometimes used in sermons and letters to other crusade preachers and potential crusaders, and that people became familiar with them, even in places distant from those in which they had occurred. The events described here and...

    • 18. Gervase, Abbot of Prémontré, Letters to the Pope, 1216–1217
      (pp. 133-141)

      This and the following letter were written by Gervase, in his capacity as abbot of the monastery of Prémontré, the motherhouse of the of the Premonstratensian order (1204–1220), to Innocent III and his successor Honorius III (1216–1227). Gervase had heardVineam Dominiread aloud at the cathedral of Reims in 1213, attended the Fourth Lateran Council, sponsored the preaching of the Albigensian Crusade, knew Innocent III well, and was familiar with many of the individuals responsible for preaching and organizing the Fifth Crusade. His letters almost certainly reflect their reports (and complaints) from the field. Despite the detailed...

    • 19. James of Vitry’s Sermon to Pilgrims, 1229–1240
      (pp. 141-154)

      Once individuals had taken the cross, they had to be instructed in the behavior expected of them as soldiers of Christ and as pilgrims. James of Vitry included various exhortations suited to crusaders in material he later reworked for a collection of sermons addressed to various estates, including pilgrims and crusaders. We include here the second of two sermons in James’ssermones ad status. This collection of sermons directed at people with specific functions or identities in society was written when James was a cardinal in the curia of Gregory IX (1229–1240). Unlike thereportatioformat of recruiting sermons...

    • 20. The Rhineland Crusaders, 1220
      (pp. 154-158)

      The value of this text lies in the detail it provides for the first stages of the crusade in northern Europe, particularly the organization of the fleet and the army in the Rhine region. Especially notable are references to the leaders, Counts William of Holland and George of Wied, to the laws that regulated the crusaders, and the fact that the leaders were aware that the emperor Frederick II was not prepared to depart in 1217. The work was written after the capture of Damietta in 1219 by a well-informed cleric, most probably a man who accompanied the fleet. It...

    • 21. Oliver of Paderborn, The Capture of Damietta, ca. 1217–1222
      (pp. 158-225)

      TheHistoria Damiatina, long known in English translation asThe Capture of Damietta, is the most extensive and important narrative account of the Fifth Crusade. Its author, Oliver of Paderborn, was an eyewitness and clerical participant in the crusade, had preached extensively on recruiting missions for it, and was closely involved with its organization, policy, and, on a least one occasion, its military strategy.

      Oliver was born to a family of lesser nobility in the vicinity of Paderborn, where he first appears in 1196 as a witness in a dispute between the diocese of Paderborn and a nearby monastery. He...

    • 22. A Stirring Lament and Three Letters from the East from the Chronicle of Roger Wendover
      (pp. 225-231)

      The defeat of the Fifth Crusade, after all of the lessons its planners had supposedly learned from earlier failures, the detailed preparations for it, and the extensive commitment to it on the part of all orders of Christian society, is explicable from our own removed perspective, but it proved immensely frustrating to those who experienced it. Oliver of Paderborn, who knew more about the crusade from its origins to its defeat, is probably the best example of the papal/clerical perspective on the disaster. Honorius III himself acknowledged and accepted responsibility for much of the loss. Others were much more hostile...

    • 23. Two Crusade Recruiters in Marseilles, 1224
      (pp. 231-235)

      By the time of the Third Crusade, Marseilles had become an important port for maritime traders and crusaders departing for the Holy Land. Like its Italian rivals, Genoa, Pisa, and Venice, Marseilles provided fleets to aid the Christian-occupied coastal cities of Palestine and had been rewarded by various trading privileges. The letter translated here, preserved in incomplete form as a model letter, recounts the success of two crusade preachers in using the crusade as a common project to resolve a conflict that had resulted in the city’s excommunication. Peace-making efforts and jurisdictional wrangles were part and parcel of the crusade...

    • 24. Ibn Wasil on the Frankish Surrender, ca. 1282
      (pp. 235-236)

      Narrative accounts in Arabic are more extensive for this period and later, although a number of them consist largely of compilations from earlier, often lost, accounts. The most detailed account is that of Ibn al-Athir. The present account is that of Ibn Wasil (1207–1298), a servant and administrator of several of the later Ayyubids and early Mamluk sultans. In 1261 he was sent by the great sultan Baibars as an ambassador to Manfred, illegitimate son of Frederick II and king of Sicily. His great work is theMufarrij al-Kurub fi akhbar Bani Ayyub(The Dissipator of Anxieties Concerning the...

  10. Part IV. The Emperor’s Crusade, 1227–1229
    • [Part IV. Introduction]
      (pp. 237-238)

      Behind all the planning and mobilization of the Fifth Crusade was the figure of the emperor Frederick II (1194–1250). After the sudden death of Henry VI in 1197, Frederick’s mother, Constance, regarded by the nobles of Sicily as the heiress of Roger II, proved willing to submit the kingdom of Sicily to the pope in order to secure Frederick’s succession. She also persuaded Innocent III, who was now acknowledged as ultimate lord of the kingdom, to permit Frederick to succeed to the Sicilian throne, which he did on May 17, 1198. At the death of Constance in November 1198,...

    • 25. The Crusade of Frederick II: From the Chronicle of Roger Wendover, ca. 1230
      (pp. 238-247)

      Roger Wendover narrates the departure of the first elements of Frederick’s army and Gregory IX’s letter to all faithful Christians, the effect of the delay and then the arrival of Frederick II in 1228, and the treaty with al-Kamil of 1229. Roger then offers a meditation on the meaning of the loss and regaining of Jerusalem and the moral difficulties of local Christians in dealing with the excommunicated emperor who had regained Jerusalem. Roger was careful to note the signs and portents heralding significant events.

      David Abulafia, Frederick II: A Medieval Emperor (Baltimore, 1988; repr., Oxford, 1992); James M. Powell,...

    • 26. The Crusade of Frederick II: From the History of Philip of Novara, ca. 1230
      (pp. 247-250)

      Philip of Novara, in the service of the powerful Syrian-Frankish family of the Ibelins, lords of Beirut, was extremely hostile to Frederick, not so much for Frederick’s alleged neglect of his crusader’s vow and his subsequent excommunication as for his high-handed treatment of the lords of Ibelin and the king of Jerusalem, John of Brienne. The description is in marked contrast to that of Roger Wendover. See also below, No. 72, “The Templar of Tyre on the Fall of Acre.”

      The best edition, with a modern Italian translation, is Filippo da Novara, Guerra di Federico II in Oriente (1223–1242),...

    • 27. Letter from Frederick II to Henry III of England, 1229: The Imperial Achievement
      (pp. 250-253)

      Frederick was his own best propagandist, and his account of his crusading triumphs stands in sharp contrast to the previous selection (No. 26). The text of his letter to Henry III of England is from the chronicle of Roger Wendover. Frederick’s tone in this letter is as ambitious and “imperial” as the description of his great seal by Matthew Paris above. The opening paragraph is a cluster of scriptural citations, including a key traditional crusading verse from Daniel 2:21, “God … who changes times and seasons.” Psalm 132 is also prominent in Frederick’s narrative, identifying the Holy Land, via an...

    • 28. Ibn Wasil (ca. 1282) and Ibn al-Jauzi (ca. 1250) on the Loss of Jerusalem
      (pp. 253-260)

      Al-Kamil had been very cautious in his negotiations with Frederick II, since he needed to keep his brother al-Mu’azzam at a distance and reduce the opportunity for criticism among his own subjects. Al-Mu’azzam died in 1227, reducing part of the threat to al-Kamil. But in order to secure al-Mu’azzam’s Damascus and avoid all-out war even with Frederick’s reduced forces, al-Kamil maintained the diplomatic relations he had begun with Frederick, which had included the earlier skillful negotiations conducted by his emissary Fakhr al-Din with Frederick in Sicily, during which Frederick had actually knighted the Ayyubid emissary.

      The terms of the agreement...

    • 29. Letter from Gerold, Patriarch of Jerusalem, to the Christian Faithful: The Coming of Antichrist, ca. 1230
      (pp. 261-265)

      The circumstances of Frederick II’s crusade, especially his status as an excommunicate, his claim to the throne of the Latin kingdom (first on behalf of his wife Isabella and after her death in childbirth in 1228 on behalf of his new son Conrad), his difficult relations with both ecclesiastical and secular powers in the Holy Land, and his relations with the sultan al-Kamil have supported various and often conflicting accounts of Frederick in the East by historians. One difficulty with the problem is the way in which original texts may have been altered or their accounts distorted because of later...

  11. Part V. The Barons’ Crusade, 1234–1245
    • [Part V. Introduction]
      (pp. 266-269)

      Honorius III was succeeded in 1227 by Cardinal Hugolino, who took the papal name Gregory IX (1227–1241). Gregory had been protector of the Franciscan order, papal legate in Lombardy for the Fifth Crusade, and was a relative of Innocent III. His complex relations with Frederick II have already been noted, particularly his concerns with Frederick’s power over ecclesiastical affairs in Sicily, his fears about Frederick’s power in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, and his excommunication of Frederick in 1227. But Gregory’s powers were also limited. He could not impose his will on the Roman nobles who dominated the city,...

    • 30. Rachel suum videns: Gregory IX Issues a New Call to the Crusade, November 17, 1234
      (pp. 269-276)

      Spurred on by the knowledge that the truce that Frederick II had signed with the sultan al-Kamil would expire in 1239, Gregory IX sent out copies of the bullRachel suum vidensin 1234 with instructions to preach the crusade throughout Christendom. His attempts to organize an Eastern crusade resulted in several expeditions to the Holy Land and one to the Latin Kingdom of Constantinople in 1239.

      Under Gregory IX, the idea of universal participation in crusading, enhancing the role of crusade throughout all levels of Christian society and creating the opportunity for increasing the financing of crusades became prominent....

    • 31. Gregory IX to the Mendicant Orders, Pium et sanctum, 1234
      (pp. 276-277)

      While individuals from the mendicant orders had received commissions to preach the crusade, Gregory IX took the novel step of entrusting the preaching of many crusades to these orders as a whole, with instructions for them to appoint suitable individuals from among their own ranks. As a cardinal, Gregory had been deeply involved in his predecessors’ promotion and protection of the mendicant orders and continued to foster their growth and spread as an antidote to the flaws of traditional religious orders and the inability of the secular clergy to cope with the demand for pastoral care, particularly preaching and confession....

    • 32. Matthew Paris on Mendicant Preaching the Crusade, 1234–1236
      (pp. 277-281)

      During the early to mid-thirteenth century, those responsible for commuting the vows of the unfit were often not the same individuals involved in recruiting. A tenuous link between the arduous suffering implied in the crusade campaign and the rewards of the plenary indulgence was therefore maintained since all who took the cross were technically liable to fulfill their vow for a considerable period after they took their crusade vows. However the offices of preacher, dispensator, and collector of crusade monies were combined when the mendicant orders were systematically entrusted with preaching the crusade by Gregory IX from 1234 onward, leading...

    • 33. The Lyrics of Thibaut IV, Count of Champagne and King of Navarre, ca. 1234–1239
      (pp. 281-287)

      Thibaut III died before the birth of his only son and heir, struck down by illness in the midst of preparations for the Fourth Crusade, of which he was expected to be the leader. Thibaut IV (1201–1253) was also an heir to a thriving culture of literary patronage in the court of the counts of Champagne, a culture in which he himself partook, earning himself the nickname of Thibaut le Chansonnier. Thibaut’s mother, the widowed yet formidable Blanche of Navarre, placed her children under the protection of Philip Augustus of France, and Thibaut appears to have spent at least...

    • 34. Gregory IX to Frederick II, Considerantes olim, March 17, 1238
      (pp. 287-289)

      After negotiations for the reunion of the Greek church with Rome failed in 1237, Gregory IX wrote to Frederick II asking for his support for a crusade to bolster the threatened kingdom of Latin Romania. After the fall of Constantinople to the Latin crusaders in 1204, attempts to collect and dispatch money and men to the remnants of the Latin kingdom of Romania alternated with or accompanied negotiations with the Greek potentates whose rival kingdoms threatened its survival throughout the early and mid-thirteenth century. However, the demands of the eastern crusade, political rivalry in Europe, and the papal-imperial struggle prevented...

    • 35. Matthew Paris: Richard of Cornwell on Crusade, 1245
      (pp. 289-297)

      This and the following two excerpts are taken from Matthew Paris’sChronica majora, reedited from the Giles translation. Matthew was an unusually well-informed chronicler, partly because his monastery, Saint Albans, was uniquely located near London and the royal court. Matthew appears to have acquired documents and eyewitness information from Richard of Cornwall personally or from his entourage, as the accounts below and Matthew’s own bias against the French barons’ crusade (derived largely from Richard of Cornwall, who wished to highlight his own achievements) illustrate.

      N. Denholm-Young, Richard of Cornwall(Oxford, 1948); Christopher Tyerman, England and the Crusades, 1095–1588(Chicago,...

    • 36. Matthew Paris on Vow Redemptions in 1241
      (pp. 297-298)

      Here Matthew Paris complains about the common practice of assigning the crusade taxes and vow redemptions collected from a certain area to a noble crusader, who was expected to use them to fund either poor crusaders or an entourage of trained soldiers. In this instance, Richard of Cornwall, one of the wealthiest men in England, was collecting such funds long after his return from a crusade to the Holy Land.

      At this time [1241], in order that the wretched country of England might be robbed and despoiled of its wealth by a thousand devices, the Preacher and Minorite brethren, supported...

    • 37. Matthew Paris: The Sack of Jerusalem, 1244
      (pp. 298-302)

      The crusades of Thibaut of Navarre/Champagne and Richard of Cornwall had helped to stabilize the remnants of the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem, but their efforts could not bring about a lasting solution to the bitter factions (pro-imperial, pro-Ibelin, and moderates) struggling to control its remaining territories (consisting largely of a narrow portion of the coast from Beirut to Ascalon, with the addition of Galilee, the county of Tripoli, and the principality of Antioch). Although Frederick II’s son Conrad was technically heir to the throne of the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem, rivals within the kingdom united in using his coming to...

    • 38. On Help for the Empire of Constantinople, from the First Council of Lyons, 1245
      (pp. 302-305)

      Pope Gregory IX died in 1241, by then locked in implacable hostility with Frederick II. He was succeeded by the short-lived Celestine IV (October–November 1241). After a nearly two-year delay partly caused by Frederick’s opposition, Celestine IV was succeeded by the Genoese canon lawyer Sinibaldo Fieschi, who took the papal name Innocent IV (1243–1254). Embroiled in the conflict with Frederick II and appalled by the news of the destruction of Jerusalem by the Khwarizmians and the slaughter at La Forbie in 1244, Innocent had to deal also with the problem of the Mongols (see below, Part VI) and...

  12. Part VI. The Mongol Crusades, 1241–1262
    • [Part VI. Introduction]
      (pp. 306-311)

      The Mongol Empire and its expansion into China, eastern Europe, and the eastern Islamicate in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries turned the geopolitical world of Eurasia upside down. Assembled by a talented chieftain named Temujin (d. 1227), who overcame and absorbed neighboring peoples until in 1206 he was acclaimed Chinggis Khan, the empire expanded enormously under his sons and successors. His claim to world rule was based on earlier imperial nomadic steppe practices, but his highly selective adaptation of his various subjects’ linguistic and administrative practices made his empire far more complex than earlier nomadic empires. Military rivalry with a...

    • 39. Henry of Saxony to the Duke of Brabant, 1241
      (pp. 311-313)

      Before his description of the Tartar invasions of eastern Europe in 1241, Matthew Paris also depicted various other crises that came to a head in the same year. The emperor Frederick II and his son Henry were leading armies and attacking cities in Lombardy that had refused to acknowledge his authority, including Faenza and Genoa. His son Conrad, heir to the kingdom of Jerusalem, was leading another army from Germany and adjacent lands against the Tartars with the dukes of Austria, Saxony, and Bavaria and many other prelates and magnates who had taken the cross against the Tartars. As part...

    • 40. Frederick II to All the Christian Princes, July 3, 1241
      (pp. 313-319)

      This letter was but one of many appeals for aid copied by Matthew Paris for the year 1241. He follows it with a report of the conspiracy rumors circulating concerning Frederick II’s role in the Mongol invasion. Frederick II’s son Conrad took the cross against the Mongols and appealed to secular rulers to publicize the crusade in their territories by May of 1241, which appears to have led other prelates and rulers to muster contingents. However, although Conrad ordered the army to advance, its progress appears to have stalled and it achieved nothing, leading some chroniclers to blame the absence...

    • 41. Gregory IX to Bela IV of Hungary on the Mongol Threat, Vocem in excelso, June 16, 1241
      (pp. 319-321)

      Several months before writing this letter, Gregory IX had commissioned the preaching of the anti-imperial crusade in Hungary, authorizing the commutation of even Holy Land crusading vows to this effort. Increasingly besieged (Frederick II had intercepted many prelates and cardinals called to the general council Gregory had summoned with the intent of deposing the emperor), Gregory IX assured Bela IV and all who took the cross to defend Hungary that they would receive the same indulgences and privileges as the crusaders currently occupied in the Holy Land. Although he went so far as to permit the commutation of vows for...

    • 42. Gregory IX to the Abbot of Heiligenkreuz, Vocem in excelso, June 19, 1241
      (pp. 321-323)

      Notified that the Mongols were potentially threatening Bohemia, Germany, and Austria as well, Gregory IX commissioned the abbot of Heiligenkreuz and the Dominican prior at Vienna to preach the crusade for the defense of these regions, enabling them to commute vows from other crusades to the war against the Mongols. In 1188, Leopold V, duke of Austria, had gifted Heiligenkreuz with a relic of the True Cross obtained from King Baldwin IV of Jerusalem. This donation, the monastery’s patronage by leading families of the region (including the dukes of Austria), and its membership in the tightly organized Cistercian order ensured...

    • 43. Continuatio Sancrucensis, 1234–1266
      (pp. 323-325)

      The monastery of Heiligenkreuz’s connections with local notables, including the dukes of Austria, ensured that it was the recipient of news concerning the Tartars, probably as part of appeals for its members to intercede liturgically on behalf of Christendom and to involve itself in the promotion of the anti-Mongol crusade. The tone of the entry may reflect the kind of propaganda the monastery publicized in response to Gregory IX’s commission to preach the crusade and/or the concerns of its informants.

      1242 [1241]. The Cumans, that cursed and aforementioned people, crossed the borders of Hungary, and on the sacred day of...

    • 44. A Thirteenth-Century English Liturgical Response to the Mongol Invasions
      (pp. 325-327)

      The surviving prayers, translated below, survive untitled and undated in a late thirteenth-century manuscript. They may date to a council held at Oxford in 1241, which the Dunstable annalist claims legislated public fasting and prayers, probably in response to the Tartar invasions of eastern Europe in 1240 and 1241. Or they may have been produced in connection with the Council of Lambeth, held in 1261 in response to Alexander IV’s appeal of November 15, 1260, or to another later council entirely. The prayers are a fascinating example of how images of the Mongol threat were transmitted to the populace.


    • 45. Matthew Paris on Archbishop Peter and the Mongol Threat, 1244
      (pp. 327-330)

      In addition to letters, news of the Tartars was transmitted to the West via refugees from newly Mongol-occupied territories, including dispossessed clerics and regular religious, who sought shelter in religious houses in western Europe and made their pleas for aid to various magnates. “Archbishop” Peter may have fled to the West with the former prince of Kiev, Mikhail of Chernigov, when the city was granted by its Mongol occupiers to a new prince, the grand duke Vladimir. Peter was presented as a metropolitan possessing significant authority within the Russian church, earning him entrée into the Council of Lyons (1245).


    • 46. The First Council of Lyons on the Tartars, 1245
      (pp. 330-332)

      Although the papal-imperial struggle and the death of Gregory IX in 1241 had prevented the formation of an effective crusade against the Tartars, and there is evidence that Gregory’s successor Innocent IV was reluctant to call a crusade, further information of their attacks in Russia and eastern Europe continued to reach Europe in the form of letters and refugees. After the sack of Jerusalem by the Khwarizmians in 1244, Innocent IV summoned an ecumenical council to meet at Lyons in 1245 to deal with the issues of the papal-imperial struggle, the embattled Latin Empire of Constantinople, the mustering of aid...

    • 47. The Master of the Temple to the Preceptor of Templar Houses in England, 1261
      (pp. 332-337)

      In response to the appeal below or another like it, Alexander IV wrote letters reiterating the dangers of the Tartars’ ambitions in the Near East and eastern Europe (they had already invaded Hungary) and called for provincial councils to be held and attended by ecclesiastics, secular leaders, and the populace at large to address ways of countering these threats. In England, the archbishop of Canterbury, assisted by the papal nuncio Walter de Rogatis, convened a provincial council in London in the spring of 1261 and sent proctors to Rome with the council’s proposals for aid. In response, Henry III wrote...

    • 48. Pope Alexander IV on the Tartar Threat, Clamat in auribus, 1261
      (pp. 337-342)

      Alexander IV (1254–1264) issued a number of letters throughout Christendom concerning the Mongol threat. The letter translated here, however, is one of the last papal letters concerning the Mongols, although it is no less apprehensive than earlier letters. It illustrates the general papal perception of the Mongol threat. Similar papal letters on the Mongol threat were sent to Prince Edward of England and many other addressees.

      See Reuven Amitai-Preiss, Mongols and Mamluks: The Mamluk-Ilkhanid War, 1260–1281(Cambridge, 1995).

      Bishop Alexander [IV], servant of the servants of God, to our venerable brothers the archbishop of Canterbury and his suffragans,...

    • 49. A Letter from Hülagü, Il-Khan of Persia, to Louis IX of France, 1262
      (pp. 342-347)

      The letter translated below appears to have been one of many carried by an embassy sent by Hülagü, the il-khan of Persia, to Louis IX, Urban IV (1261–1264), and other Western rulers in 1262. A later legation sent by Hülagü’s son and successor Abagha to the Second Council of Lyons (1274) mentioned this earlier attempt to make an alliance but claimed that its messengers had been intercepted by Manfred, the illegitimate son of Frederick II. However, it appears that at least one messenger, John the Hungarian, did reach Urban IV with an official letter and accompanying oral messages. A...

  13. Part VII. The Saint’s Crusades, 1248–1270
    • [Part VII. Introduction]
      (pp. 348-350)

      Like Frederick II and other thirteenth-century crusaders, Louis IX of France came from a distinguished crusading dynasty. His great-grandfather Louis VII had been one of the leaders of the Second Crusade, his grandfather Philip II Augustus one of the leaders of the Third Crusade, and his father Louis VIII had died on the Albigensian Crusade. This family legacy and the ominous events of the 1230s and early 1240s—the Mongol threat, the destruction of Jerusalem and the slaughter at La Forbie in 1244, the papal call for a crusade against Frederick II in 1239 and again in 1244, and the...

    • 50. Jean de Joinville’s Description of His Crusade Preparations, 1248
      (pp. 350-354)

      Jean de Joinville was born around 1225 and educated in the court of his lord, Thibaut IV of Champagne, himself the scion of a crusading family and a well-known poet (see above, No. 33). Only recently named to the seneschalsy of Champagne and lordship of Joinville while in his early twenties, and with a young family to support, Joinville nonetheless joined the crusade of Louis IX in 1248, despite the fact that no direct pressure from the king or his lord was exerted upon him to take the cross. In fact, Joinville pointedly stated that he was not Louis’s vassal,...

    • 51. John Sarrasin, Chamberlain of the King of France, Describes the Capture of Damietta, 1249
      (pp. 354-360)

      This was one of several letters written by members of the king’s household, perhaps as part of a royal propaganda campaign to spread the news of Louis’s achievement in the capture of Damietta. Of these, three letters survive and are particularly valuable as accounts written from laypersons’ (rather than clerical) perspective, but John Sarrasin’s letter stands out as the only one written in the vernacular, with express instructions to its recipient to circulate it widely. It seems that Nicholas Arrode abided by these instructions; the author of the Rothelin continuation of William of Tyre possessed and effectively used a copy...

    • 52. Ibn Wasil (ca. 1282) and al-Maqrizi (ca. 1440) on Louis’s Defeat
      (pp. 360-366)

      Jamal ad-Din ibn Wasil (604/1207–697/1298) held a number of offices in the service of the later Ayyubids (the descendants of Saladin) and the early Mamluks, including the great Baibars, who sent him in 1261 on a diplomatic mission to Manfred, the son of Frederick II (below, Nos. 57–59). The work of his quoted here isThe Dissipator of Anxieties Concerning the History of the Ayyubids, which deals with late Ayyubid and early Mamluk history up to 680/1282.

      Taqi ad-Din al-Maqrizi (776/1364–845/1442) was a learned scholar and antiquarian in Cairo. His work cited here, largely a compilation from...

    • 53. Louis IX Writes to France Explaining the Failure of His Crusade, 1250
      (pp. 366-374)

      Louis appears to have intended this letter to be circulated widely as part of a campaign to recruit individuals to join his crusade. He faced the difficult task of explaining the disastrous defeat of the crusaders (which would appear to indicate divine displeasure with his crusade) and drumming up further financial aid from a heavily taxed French church and his loyal subjects in order to finance further military efforts in the Holy Land and the staggering ransom imposed by his captors.

      While ecclesiastics in this period seemed to be increasingly cautious in ubiquitously imposing the title “martyr” upon deceased crusaders...

    • 54. The Pastoureaux, 1251
      (pp. 374-385)

      While attempts had been made since the later twelfth century to diminish the number of commoners accompanying crusading armies, the ideal of personal participation remained strong throughout the thirteenth century, despite a gradual increase in the practice of voluntary or, in some instances, forced commutation of vows to donations to the crusade cause. The arrival of Louis IX’s letter concerning the defeat at Mansura would combine with frustration at the diversion of money and men from Louis IX’s crusade to the anti-Staufer crusade in Italy to spark a popular crusade in 1251 that became known as the Crusade of the...

    • 55. The Register of Eudes Rigaud, Archbishop of Rouen, 1260–1269
      (pp. 385-389)

      Eudes, or Odo, Rigaud appears to have joined the Franciscan order while studying theology in Paris. After his election as archbishop of Rouen (1247–1275), Eudes zealously visited the dioceses under his authority, recording the results of his visitations in a lengthy and highly informative register. He became close to Louis IX as a master of theology in Paris and aided the king in organizing his second crusade. Eudes was greatly persecuted by thePastoureaux, who seem to have blamed him for some of Louis IX’s defeat in Egypt. Eudes later presided over the Second Council of Lyons (1274) in...

    • 56. Rutebeuf’s “Lament of the Holy Land,” ca. 1266
      (pp. 389-393)

      Rutebeuf is one of the most important vernacular French poets of the thirteenth century. Of the fifty-six poems commonly attributed to him, eleven deal directly with crusading matters relating to the Holy Land or Apulia, chiefly in the form of praise of individuals or calls to action. It is generally accepted that the present poem, “The Lament of the Holy Land,”²⁶ was written some time after Pope Clement IV’s letter of July 1265, in which he called for a holy war in the East to be preached in France, perhaps after his call in April 1266 for the cessation of...

  14. Part VIII. The Italian Crusades, 1241–1268
    • [Part VIII. Introduction]
      (pp. 394-397)

      Crusades launched by popes against European Christian opponents have often been called (and criticized as) “political crusades,” as if they were devoid of religious significance and could only be understood as conflicts between worldly popes and their purely political enemies. To be sure, the exclusive papal authority to call a crusade for any purpose or destination was universally recognized (if not always universally observed, and in the course of the thirteenth century popes consistently lost control over crusades once they began to move). But the popes also had several distinctive spheres of responsibility and influence—territorial Christendom as a whole,...

    • 57. Gregory IX Writes to His Legate, the Papal Chaplain and Subdeacon John of Civitella in Hungary, Cum tibi duxerimus, 1241
      (pp. 397-398)

      Gregory IX had excommunicated Frederick II for failing to depart on crusade in 1227, and during Frederick’s absence in the Holy Land, Gregory had mustered a papal army to attack Frederick’s supporters in regions of Italy adjoining the papal territories. After severe military reversals, the pope made peace with Frederick II in 1230, even suggesting another crusade for Frederick in 1238 (see above, No. 34), but the papal-imperial conflict was soon revived. By 1240 Gregory was preaching an anti-imperial crusade against Frederick, whose armies were closing in on the papal territories in Rome. Besieged in Rome and thus deprived of...

    • 58. Matthew Paris on the Popes and Staufer Italy, 1245–1269
      (pp. 398-410)

      Matthew Paris’s great interest in the conflict between Frederick II and his successors and several popes (and his strong opinions about both sides) led to his inclusion of a substantial number of documents and narrative accounts of these matters in his chronicle. It is interesting and illuminating to contrast Matthew’s views, those of a Benedictine monk in distant England who admired much about Frederick and Manfred and disapproved of what he considered excessive papal interference in the affairs of kings and peoples, with those of the Franciscan Salimbene (below, No. 60), an anti-imperialist and great supporter of the popes.


    • 59. Urban IV to Louis IX Against Manfred, Ecce fili carissime, 1264
      (pp. 410-412)

      Urban IV wrote this appeal when organizing a crusade against the imperial party and its allies in southern Italy and Sicily, led by Frederick II’s bastard son Manfred, who had been crowned king of Sicily. The church party’s forces were to be led by Louis IX’s brother, Charles of Anjou.

      On the popes and the Staufer, see Jean Dunbabin, Charles I of Anjou;and Dunbabin, The French in the Kingdom of Sicily, 1266–1306(Cambridge UK-New York, 2011).

      See, most beloved son, how Manfred, once prince of Taranto, not content with the innumerable injuries and vexations with which he has...

    • 60. Salimbene of Parma on Staufer Italy, ca. 1285
      (pp. 412-424)

      Born in Parma in 1221 to a wealthy family and christened after his godfather Balian of Sidon, Salimbene de Adam, as he became known, entered the Franciscan order as a young man. Salimbene was the religious name he took as a Franciscan. He tells us that his own father had gone on crusade. Well-traveled and gregarious, Salimbene wrote a garrulous and rambling chronicle before his death circa 1289. Salimbene is particularly informative about some of the allies of Frederick II, particularly the da Romano brothers, Alberigo and Ezzelino, who became and remained legends of ferocity for many decades. It is...

    • 61. The Chronicle of Pedro III of Aragón (r. 1276–1285)
      (pp. 424-427)

      The chronicler of the exploits of King Pedro III of Aragón was interested in the case of Manfred, the illegitimate son of Frederick II who had claimed the crown of Sicily in 1258 against the will of Pope Alexander IV, largely because Pedro had married Manfred’s daughter Constance in 1260 and therefore had a claim to the Sicilian succession. The name Constance had been associated with the ruling dynasty of Sicily since the mother of Frederick II. There is another useful account inThe Chronicle of San Juan de la Peña: A Fourteenth-Century History of the Crown of Aragon, trans....

  15. Part IX. Living and Dying on Crusade
    • [Part IX. Introduction]
      (pp. 428-429)

      Crusades did not consist solely of preaching, recruiting, and fighting in distant lands. They also involved planning, local arrangements, and travel across great distances. Those distances were originally crossed overland, but as early as 1125 the idea of maritime expeditions with Egypt as the primary target became more common, and by the end of the twelfth century the Atlantic and Mediterranean seas had become the crusaders’ roadways. One of the emerging themes of crusade historiography is the actual experience of those who went on crusade, from leaving home and parting with family and friends to obtaining transportation, making agreements, expecting...

    • 62. Ticket-Scalping on a Crusade Ship, 1248
      (pp. 429-430)

      Round-trip or single fares to the East were becoming increasingly affordable in this period. As Benjamin Kedar notes, in preparation for Louis IX’s crusade, the syndics of Marseilles set the various fares of the first-, second-, and third-class places on the ships Louis IX ordered at four pounds (livres, librae), sixty shillings (solidi), and forty shillings of Tours. When Master Garnier made this contract in June 20, 1248, the prices were higher, but still affordable. Even if Garnier made a 25 percent profit, the resulting price of fifty-six shillings per place would have been affordable for a cook or tailor...

    • 63. Adam of Jesmond’s Contract of Service with Lord Edward of England, July 20, 1270
      (pp. 430-431)

      In addition to employing professional mercenaries, rulers and cities commonly subsidized knights otherwise unable to participate in the crusade to serve under them. Jean de Joinville initially funded a small company of knights, which he took with him on Louis IX’s first crusade, but after running short of money, Joinville was himself retained by Louis IX to prevent his leaving the crusade campaign. Just as Louis IX used contracts to outline the expectations of both parties regarding obligations and funding, so Lord Edward used them to recruit the core of the force he led on crusade in 1270–1272, having...

    • 64. A Verdict from Judges in Messina Concerning a Lawsuit for Breach of Contract Lodged by a Group of Passengers Against the Masters of the Ship Saint Victor, July 30, 1250
      (pp. 432-434)

      The following case illustrates the way in which the relatively inexpensive sea journey to the Holy Land made popular participation in the crusade possible well into the thirteenth century. A group of independently funded crusaders of all classes and both sexes are represented by several of their number in a case against the masters of the shipSaint Victorfrom Marseilles, which they had hired to take them to Damietta, the intended goal of Louis IX’s crusade, or to any eastern port or wherever the king might be. When the ship arrived at Messina, news of the loss of Damietta...

    • 65. Traveling in Style and at Risk, October 1216–March 1217
      (pp. 434-439)

      Elected bishop of Acre, the famed crusade preacher James of Vitry traveled to Perugia for his consecration and then took ship from Genoa for the Holy Land, bent on reforming its inhabitants (especially those in the notorious port city of Acre) in preparation for the crusaders’ arrival as part of the Fifth Crusade. He described his preparations in letters addressed to his acquaintances (many of them involved in the organization of the crusade) in the dioceses of Liège and Paris, whose prayers he requested for his own safety and the favorable outcome of the crusade. His description of his travels...

    • 66. The Last Will and Testament of Barzella Merxadrus, December 9, 1219
      (pp. 439-442)

      Written shortly after the crusading army’s capture of Damietta, Barzella’s will sheds light on the concerns and resources of a crusader and his wife from the Italian city-republic of Bologna. From the description of his equipment, Barzella appears to have fought, along with his companions, as a well-equipped foot soldier, perhaps trained through membership in a city militia or confraternity. Part of a Bolognese contingent of crusaders later assigned a portion of the city of Damietta and its walls, Barzella’s companions and his wife would have expected their due share of real estate and spoils, which had yet to be...

    • 67. Count Henry of Rodez Adds a Codicil to an Existing Will, Acre, October 16–31, 1222
      (pp. 442-445)

      While members of the Italian city-states sought support among themselves, forming confraternity-like organizations, other crusaders turned to monastic or military orders for financial and spiritual assistance. Before departing from their homelands, many crusaders sought to settle disputes over lands and various rights with local religious houses in return for spiritual benefits and increased security for their families during their absence or death. These settlements often resulted in crusaders ceding lands or disputed rights to religious houses in return for prayers and/or burial and legal and financial benefits for themselves and their families in the form of hard cash, gifts of...

    • 68. Ignoble Pilgrims: Entries from the Register of Walter Giffard, Archbishop of York, 1275
      (pp. 445-447)

      These entries from an archiepiscopal register in England illustrate the increasing commonness of commuting the vows of even the militarily capable into money donations to the crusade by the mid- to late thirteenth century. When Innocent III and his successors removed the stipulation that individuals be assessed as to their capability of fulfilling the crusade vow before they undertook it, the flood-gates to recruitment were flung open, and many who voluntarily took the crusader’s cross later found themselves unwilling or unable to fulfill the duties implied by this legally and spiritually binding action. There were several remedies open to them...

  16. Part X. The Road to Acre, 1265–1291
    • [Part X. Introduction]
      (pp. 448-453)

      Between 1198 and 1291 both Christendom and crusade underwent a number of substantial changes. Considering crusade, we can see that earlier military expeditions between 1096 and 1204 tended to be responses by various popes to particular crises in the Holy Land and their armies to be composed of aristocratic warriors (either kings or great lords) and their followers drawn broadly from across Christian Europe, regularly as pilgrims and individual warriors but after the establishment of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem in 1100 only on specific occasions as crusaders. After 1198 popes and jurists sharpened the definition of crusader status, and...

    • 69. Gilbert of Tournai on Reform and Crusade, ca. 1272–1274
      (pp. 453-455)

      The treatiseCollectio de scandalis ecclesiaewas written by the Franciscan Gilbert of Tournai in response to Gregory X’s call for proposals for the Second Council of Lyons (1274). Largely devoted to issues of the reform of the clergy, the regular religious, and the laity, all of which were deemed essential for the recovery of the Holy Land, Gilbert’s treatise was based partly on the criticisms made by earlier writers, including James of Vitry. The section translated here deals directly with crusade as a component of larger reform. Gilbert was minister general of his order, which, with the Dominicans, was...

    • 70. Humbert of Romans, Opusculum tripartitum, ca. 1272–1274
      (pp. 455-465)

      Humbert of Romans, formerly master general of the Order of Preachers (1254–1263), wrote several works on preaching, including one calledOn Preaching the Holy Cross Against the Saracens. HisOpusculum tripartitum, like Gilbert of Tournai’s treatise above, was written in response to Gregory X’s appeal for advice on matters that faced the Second Council of Lyons. Humbert focused on crusade, reunion of the Latin and Greek churches, and overall ecclesiastical reform.

      As master general of his order, Humbert of Romans had overseen the involvement of the Dominican order in missions and the promotion of various crusades. In addition to...

    • 71. Gregory X at the Second Council of Lyons, 1274
      (pp. 465-473)

      The Second Council of Lyons, discussed extensively in the headnote to this chapter, was announced by Gregory X (1271–1276) in the letterSalvator nosterwithin a week of his coronation at Rome on March 27, 1272. Gregory, who had attended the First Council of Lyons in 1245, had been elected following a vacancy in the papal succession of two years and nine months and had been in the Holy Land in 1270–1271 when he was elected pope. There was much local work for a new pope in these circumstances to do, and the curia was not very interested...

    • 72. The Templar of Tyre on the Fall of Acre, 1291
      (pp. 473-486)

      The narrative by the “Templar of Tyre” is the third part of a composite work that has been called since the nineteenth century theGestes des Chiprois, or the “Deeds of the Cypriots.” The first part of the work is a version of the Latin text known as theAnnals of the Holy Land, treating the years 1132–1218. The second part is the memoirs of Philip of Novara, with additions, recounting the wars between Frederick II and the Ibelins (above, No. 26), dealing with the period 1219–1243. The Templar of Tyre deals with the period 1243–1309, and...

    • 73. Abu l-Fida’ and Abu l-Mahasin on the Fall of Acre, 1291
      (pp. 486-492)

      Two of the best-informed Arab chroniclers of the siege and fall of Acre were both soldiers and scholars. Abu l-Fida’ (ca. 672/1273–732/1331) was an Ayyubid lord of Hama who participated personally as a young man in the siege of Acre and included a description in hisHistorical Compendium of the Human Race, a work that, like theShining Stars Concerning the Kings of Egypt and Cairoof Abu l-Mahasin (813/1411–874/1469), consists largely of earlier accounts, now lost and preserved only in anthologies such as these. After the fall of the Ayyubids, Abu l-Fida’ managed to retain the lordship...

  17. Index
    (pp. 493-510)
  18. Acknowledgments
    (pp. 511-512)