Why Don't American Cities Burn?
Why Don't American Cities Burn?
Michael B. Katz
Series: The City in the Twenty-First Century
Copyright Date: 2012
Published by: University of Pennsylvania Press
Pages: 224
https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt3fhgxd
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Why Don't American Cities Burn?
Book Description:

At 1:27 on the morning of August 4, 2005, Herbert Manes fatally stabbed Robert Monroe, known as Shorty, in a dispute over five dollars. It was a horrific yet mundane incident for the poor, heavily African American neighborhood of North Philadelphia-one of seven homicides to occur in the city that day and yet not make the major newspapers. For Michael B. Katz, an urban historian and a juror on the murder trial, the story of Manes and Shorty exemplified the marginalization, social isolation, and indifference that plague American cities. Introduced by the gripping narrative of this murder and its circumstances, Why Don't American Cities Burn? charts the emergence of the urban forms that underlie such events. Katz traces the collision of urban transformation with the rightward-moving social politics of late twentieth- and early twenty-first-century America. He shows how the bifurcation of black social structures produced a new African American inequality and traces the shift from images of a pathological black "underclass" to praise of the entrepreneurial poor who take advantage of new technologies of poverty work to find the beginning of the path to the middle class. He explores the reasons American cities since the early 1970s have remained relatively free of collective violence while black men in bleak inner-city neighborhoods have turned their rage inward on one another rather than on the agents and symbols of a culture and political economy that exclude them. The book ends with a meditation on how the political left and right have come to believe that urban transformation is inevitably one of failure and decline abetted by the response of government to deindustrialization, poverty, and race. How, Katz asks, can we construct a new narrative that acknowledges the dark side of urban history even as it demonstrates the capacity of government to address the problems of cities and their residents? How can we create a politics of modest hope?

eISBN: 978-0-8122-0520-6
Subjects: Sociology
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  1. Front Matter
    Front Matter (pp. [i]-[vi])
  2. Table of Contents
    Table of Contents (pp. [vii]-[viii])
  3. Prologue: The Death of Shorty
    Prologue: The Death of Shorty (pp. 1-18)

    At 1:27 on the morning of August 4, 2005, Herbert Manes stabbed Robert Monroe—known as Shorty—to death on the 1400 block of West Oakland Street in North Philadelphia. No newspaper reported the incident. Arrested and charged with homicide, Manes spent the next ten months incarcerated until his trial, which ended on June 8, 2006. After deliberating less than ninety minutes, the jury concluded that he had acted in self-defense and found him not guilty on all charges. I served as juror number three.¹

    This Prologue is the story of the trial, what it meant for me, and what...

  4. Chapter 1 What Is an American City?
    Chapter 1 What Is an American City? (pp. 19-46)

    For many years I have argued that in the decades after World War II, economic, demographic, and spatial transformations in the United States resulted in an urban form unlike any other in history. Recently, I have realized that in one important way this formulation of recent urban history misleads. For it reports the outcome of history as singular when it should be plural. That is, “form,” should be “forms”—an unprecedented configuration of urban places that calls into question the definition of “city” itself. One configuration is represented by the deindustrialized landscape of destitution that is a short, straight ride...

  5. Chapter 2 The New African American Inequality
    Chapter 2 The New African American Inequality (pp. 47-77)

    “It is now a commonplace,” observes historian Thomas J. Sugrue, “that the election of Barack Obama marks the opening of a new period in America’s long racial history . . . that the United States is a postracial society.”¹ In 2005, the year Barack Obama took his place in the United States Senate, Shorty, born three years after Obama, high on cocaine and alcohol, died from a knife wound on the racially segregated streets of North Philadelphia. Shorty’s foreshortened life—a run-down row house on a mean street, frequent encounters with the police, work outside the regular economy as a...

  6. Chapter 3 Why Don’t American Cities Burn Very Often?
    Chapter 3 Why Don’t American Cities Burn Very Often? (pp. 78-100)

    In October 2005, rioting erupted in at least three hundred cities and towns across France. The riots were the worst France had experienced since 1968. They were touched off by the October 27 deaths by electrocution of two teenagers of North African and Malian origins who were climbing a fence to escape police pursuit. The riots were stoked a few days later by the discovery of an unexplained tear gas grenade inside a prayer hall in Clichy. Over two weeks, immigrant youths from working-class suburbs burned nine thousand cars as well as “a theater, some social centers, day care centers,...

  7. Chapter 4 From Underclass to Entrepreneur: New Technologies of Poverty Work in Urban America
    Chapter 4 From Underclass to Entrepreneur: New Technologies of Poverty Work in Urban America (pp. 101-150)

    The “underclass” is yesterday’s idea. From the late 1970s through the early 1990s, “underclass” stood as shorthand for black poor people dominating the crumbling core of the nation’s inner cities. It was an explosive yet comfortable term. “Underclass” drew on the heritage of the “culture of poverty,” a concept covering up the old idea of the “undeserving poor” with a veneer of social science. The language of poverty pathologized poor people, locating the source of their poverty in their own behavior and deficits. “Underclass” also was a strangely gendered idea, tinged with apprehension at the dangers posed by violent black...

  8. Epilogue: The Existential Problem of Urban Studies
    Epilogue: The Existential Problem of Urban Studies (pp. 151-162)

    When I became director of the undergraduate Urban Studies Program at the University of Pennsylvania in 1983, I was surprised to find that the program lacked a multidisciplinary course that synthesized writing about cities into a coherent interpretation of contemporary urban America. What accounted for deindustrialized, segregated, financially strapped, often violent cities with their failed public institutions and surrounding white suburbs that this book has described? I wanted to give the students a single book that explained it all and to take off from there with in-depth explorations of the issues. The problem was that no such book existed. Under...

  9. Notes
    Notes (pp. 163-192)
  10. Index
    Index (pp. 193-208)
  11. Acknowledgments
    Acknowledgments (pp. 209-210)
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