Piety and Public Funding
Piety and Public Funding: Evangelicals and the State in Modern America
AXEL R. SCHÄFER
Series: Politics and Culture in Modern America
Copyright Date: 2012
Published by: University of Pennsylvania Press
Pages: 288
https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt3fhzqs
Search for reviews of this book
Book Info
Piety and Public Funding
Book Description:

How is it that some conservative groups are viscerally antigovernment even while enjoying the benefits of government funding? In Piety and Public Funding historian Axel R. Schäfer offers a compelling answer to this question by chronicling how, in the first half century since World War II, conservative evangelical groups became increasingly adept at accommodating their hostility to the state with federal support. Though holding to the ideals of church-state separation, evangelicals gradually took advantage of expanded public funding opportunities for religious foreign aid, health care, education, and social welfare. This was especially the case during the Cold War, when groups such as the National Association of Evangelicals were at the forefront of battling communism at home and abroad. It was evident, too, in the Sunbelt, where the military-industrial complex grew exponentially after World War II and where the postwar right would achieve its earliest success. Contrary to evangelicals' own claims, liberal public policies were a boon for, not a threat to, their own institutions and values. The welfare state, forged during the New Deal and renewed by the Great Society, hastened-not hindered-the ascendancy of a conservative political movement that would, in turn, use its resurgence as leverage against the very system that helped create it. By showing that the liberal state's dependence on private and nonprofit social services made it vulnerable to assaults from the right, Piety and Public Funding brings a much needed historical perspective to a hotly debated contemporary issue: the efforts of both Republican and Democratic administrations to channel federal money to "faith-based" organizations. It suggests a major reevaluation of the religious right, which grew to dominate evangelicalism by exploiting institutional ties to the state while simultaneously brandishing a message of free enterprise and moral awakening.

eISBN: 978-0-8122-0659-3
Subjects: History
You do not have access to this book on JSTOR. Try logging in through your institution for access.
Log in to your personal account or through your institution.
Table of Contents
Export Selected Citations Export to NoodleTools Export to RefWorks Export to EasyBib Export a RIS file (For EndNote, ProCite, Reference Manager, Zotero, Mendeley...) Export a Text file (For BibTex)
Select / Unselect all
  1. Front Matter
    Front Matter (pp. [i]-[iv])
  2. Table of Contents
    Table of Contents (pp. [v]-[vi])
  3. INTRODUCTION: HOW EVANGELICALS LEARNED TO STOP WORRYING AND LOVE THE STATE
    INTRODUCTION: HOW EVANGELICALS LEARNED TO STOP WORRYING AND LOVE THE STATE (pp. 1-20)

    In the past seven decades a remarkable transformation has taken place in the United States in the relationship between the federal government and religious charitable organizations in general, and between the state and evangelical agencies in particular. During the 1930s and 1940s, New Deal social programs largely excluded religious charities from receiving federal funds; the Supreme Court renewed the nation’s commitment to the separation of church and state; and evangelicals assailed Catholic efforts to obtain public aid. By the first decade of the twenty-first century, however, the scene looked very different. Policy makers from both parties lauded the role of...

  4. CHAPTER 1 THE COLD WAR STATE AND RELIGIOUS AGENCIES
    CHAPTER 1 THE COLD WAR STATE AND RELIGIOUS AGENCIES (pp. 21-59)

    In a remarkable display of cross-partisan consensus transcending the clamor of the so-called culture war, politicians from both major parties frequently tout the capacity of religious organizations to address the abiding problems of poverty and social deprivation in the United States. George H. W. Bush’s “Thousand Points of Light,” Bill Clinton’s “Charitable Choice,” and George W. Bush’s “Faith-Based Initiative” all seek to increase the involvement of sectarian agencies in public social welfare provision. Both conservatives enamored of “tough love” and liberals keen to encourage grassroots activism lavish praise on the personalized care and selfless commitment ascribed to religious nonprofits. As...

  5. CHAPTER 2 THE EVANGELICAL REDISCOVERY OF THE STATE
    CHAPTER 2 THE EVANGELICAL REDISCOVERY OF THE STATE (pp. 60-85)

    Wartime exigencies and postwar global challenges not only fostered the growth of the state and promoted closer church-state cooperation, they also prompted a new generation of conservative Protestants to reengage with society and politics. Moving away from theological obscurity, cultural isolation, social withdrawal, and political marginality, they became once again vocal advocates for christianizing America and promoting Christians in government. As historian Joel Carpenter put it, “The postwar evangelical movement reached into the older denominations, the offices of Capitol Hill, the studios of Hollywood, and up the Hit Parade charts as well.”¹

    While the resurgence of evangelicalism has been the...

  6. CHAPTER 3 EVANGELICALS, FOREIGN POLICY, AND THE NATIONAL SECURITY STATE
    CHAPTER 3 EVANGELICALS, FOREIGN POLICY, AND THE NATIONAL SECURITY STATE (pp. 86-122)

    Evangelicals were by no means natural supporters of the large-scale expansion of state defense capacities, despite their frequently unrivaled patriotic fervor. Indeed, the fundamentalist-modernist controversy of the 1920s had turned many conservative Protestants into strict advocates of an uncompromising church-state separationism and foreign policy isolationism.¹ World War II and the Cold War, however, brought about a metamorphosis that nudged religious conservatives into a new engagement with the state. Evangelical identification with Cold War anticommunism, in particular, facilitated the ideological convergence between church and state and provided the resurgent evangelical movement with new opportunities for political involvement. By spiritualizing the anticommunist...

  7. CHAPTER 4 EVANGELICALS, SOCIAL POLICY, AND THE WELFARE STATE
    CHAPTER 4 EVANGELICALS, SOCIAL POLICY, AND THE WELFARE STATE (pp. 123-162)

    The broadly supportive attitude of evangelicals toward the national security state contrasted sharply with their rhetorical hostility to the postwar welfare state. While neither the growth of defense-related government bureaucracies nor anticommunist excesses enraged the majority of evangelicals, the expansion of state social responsibilities apparently generated tremendous trepidation. Evangelicals traditionally feared that the growth of government welfare functions and funding threatened church agencies, undermined spiritual approaches to deprivation, and encouraged immoral behavior. They argued that it jeopardized the separation of church and state and benefited a self-interested liberal elite of bureaucrats and social welfare professionals. Since conservative Protestants saw spiritual...

  8. CHAPTER 5 CHURCH-STATE RELATIONS AND THE RISE OF THE EVANGELICAL RIGHT
    CHAPTER 5 CHURCH-STATE RELATIONS AND THE RISE OF THE EVANGELICAL RIGHT (pp. 163-193)

    The participation of evangelical agencies in the Cold War national security and welfare state not only brought church and state closer together institutionally and ideologically, it also shaped the dynamics of the political mobilization of evangelicals. The new church-state attitudes emerged only gradually from often heated internal conflicts over political partisanship, civil religion, military power, and government aid. These debates are altogether too easily ignored in analyses of evangelical politics. However, they are vital in understanding postwar evangelicalism’s public policy agenda and its relationship to the state. In particular, they proved significant for the rise of the evangelical Right. Conservative...

  9. CONCLUSION: RESURGENT CONSERVATISM AND THE PUBLIC FUNDING OF RELIGIOUS AGENCIES
    CONCLUSION: RESURGENT CONSERVATISM AND THE PUBLIC FUNDING OF RELIGIOUS AGENCIES (pp. 194-214)

    The partisan realignment of evangelicals constitutes the most striking case of belief-based change in party identities since World War II. Having been one of the most loyal components of the Democratic party in the South and West well into the 1970s, conservative Protestants became steadily more Republican in the 1980s and 1990s. Today, as Geoffrey Layman notes, they form “the most strongly Republican group in the religious spectrum.”¹ What is more, the Republican mobilization of evangelicals strengthened significantly the electoral fortunes of conservatism by providing the party with a socioeconomic base beyond its affluent upper-middle-class and business clientele. By achieving...

  10. NOTES
    NOTES (pp. 215-260)
  11. BIBLIOGRAPHY
    BIBLIOGRAPHY (pp. 261-294)
  12. INDEX
    INDEX (pp. 295-308)
  13. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
    ACKNOWLEDGMENTS (pp. 309-311)
University of Pennsylvania Press logo