Domestic Intimacies
Domestic Intimacies: Incest and the Liberal Subject in Nineteenth-Century America
Brian Connolly
Series: Early American Studies
Copyright Date: 2014
Published by: University of Pennsylvania Press
Pages: 288
https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt6wr92z
Search for reviews of this book
Book Info
Domestic Intimacies
Book Description:

Although it is commonly thought that incest has been taboo throughout history, nineteenth-century Americans evinced a great cultural anxiety that the prohibition was failing. Theologians debated the meaning and limits of biblical proscription, while jurists abandoned such injunctions and invented a new prohibition organized around the nuclear family. Novelists crafted fictional tales of accidental incest resulting from the severed ties between public and private life, while antislavery writers lamented the ramifications of breaking apart enslaved families. Phrenologists and physiologists established reproduction as the primary motivation of the incest prohibition while naturalizing the incestuous eroticism of sentimental family affection. Ethnographers imagined incest as the norm in so-called primitive societies in contrast to modern civilization. In the absence of clear biological or religious limitations, the young republic developed numerous, varied, and contradictory incest prohibitions.Domestic Intimaciesoffers a wide-ranging, critical history of incest and its various prohibitions as they were defined throughout the nineteenth century. Historian Brian Connolly argues that at the center of these convergent anxieties and debates lay the idea of the liberal subject: an autonomous individual who acted on his own desires yet was tempered by reason, who enjoyed a life in public yet was expected to find his greatest satisfaction in family and home. Always lurking was the need to exercise personal freedom with restraint; indeed, the valorization of the affectionate family was rooted in its capacity to act as a bulwark against licentiousness. However it was defined, incest was thus not only perceived as a threat to social stability; it also functioned to regulate social relations-within families and between classes as well as among women and men, slaves and free citizens, strangers and friends.Domestic Intimaciesoverturns conventional histories of American liberalism by placing the fear of incest at the heart of nineteenth-century conflicts over public life and privacy, kinship and individualism, social contracts and personal freedom.

eISBN: 978-0-8122-0985-3
Subjects: History
You do not have access to this book on JSTOR. Try logging in through your institution for access.
Log in to your personal account or through your institution.
Table of Contents
Export Selected Citations Export to NoodleTools Export to RefWorks Export to EasyBib Export a RIS file (For EndNote, ProCite, Reference Manager, Zotero, Mendeley...) Export a Text file (For BibTex)
Select / Unselect all
  1. Front Matter
    Front Matter (pp. [i]-[iv])
  2. Table of Contents
    Table of Contents (pp. [v]-[vi])
  3. Introduction. Liberalism’s Incestuous Subject
    Introduction. Liberalism’s Incestuous Subject (pp. 1-21)

    In 1828, in the first edition of his dictionary, Noah Webster defined incest as “the crime of cohabitation or sexual commerce between persons related within the degrees wherein marriage is prohibited by the law of a country.”¹ As definitions go, this one seems rather straightforward. Yet, as far as incest goes, it presents numerous questions. The one thing we think we know about incest is that its prohibition is universal and has been in existence since humans organized themselves into something resembling families. Of course, this one thing is an illusion, and Webster’s definition gets at some the problems with...

  4. Chapter 1 Literature
    Chapter 1 Literature (pp. 22-49)

    Beginning in the mid-eighteenth century and reaching its apex in the mid-nineteenth century, a discourse of the private family came to dominate visions of social and political life in the United States. Where previously the family had been conceived as the central institution of social and economic life, serving as a “little commonwealth” analogous to the state, by the mid-nineteenth century, at least in prescriptive literature and sentimental novels, the family was private, increasingly cut off from economic production and political life. It did, however, retain a political function: the production and dissemination of virtue, morality, and chastity that ensured...

  5. Chapter 2 Theology
    Chapter 2 Theology (pp. 50-79)

    In 1843 the Dutch Reformed minister Philip Milledoler asked, “Is it lawful for a man to marry his deceased wife’s sister?” Noting this was “a question which may appear at first sight to be of minor importance,” Milledoler argued that “the minor importance of this subject . . . is . . . not real; for if we view it in its bearing upon the happiness of individuals—upon the purity of the church and upon the best interests of the community at large, we shall see that it involves consequences of deep, if not of vital importance to mankind...

  6. Chapter 3 Law
    Chapter 3 Law (pp. 80-121)

    In 1851, in response to a query concerning incestuous marriage from the London-based Marriage Law Reform Association (MLRA), Charles Mason, an Iowa Supreme Court justice, wrote, “our laws make no prohibitions what ever as to inter-marriages between kindred, nor has the crime of incest a place on our statute books.”¹ This was likely more than the MLRA was looking for when they circulated a query to jurists, theologians, and other public figures in the United States, “where law and public opinion concur in making no distinction between a marriage [with a deceased wife’s sister] and any other not prohibited in...

  7. Chapter 4 Reproduction
    Chapter 4 Reproduction (pp. 122-165)

    As theologians and jurists multiplied novel justifications and explanations of the incest prohibition, one remained mostly submerged: incestuous reproduction and its hereditary consequences. To be sure, on occasion a jurist or theologian invoked its potential for degenerative hereditary consequences, but this was usually a minority voice. Indeed, even when it was invoked, it tended to bear little scrutiny and was often at odds with other explications. For example, in 1810 Benjamin Trumbull, pastor of North Haven Congregation in Connecticut, included a reference to reproduction at the end of his contribution to the “marriage question.” “One view of the divine lawgiver...

  8. Chapter 5 Slavery
    Chapter 5 Slavery (pp. 166-209)

    In the 1860 novelAdela, the Octoroon, H. L. Hosmer, an antislavery minister and supporter of colonization, painted a picture of the depravity of plantation life based in the incestuous actions of slaveholders. When George Tidbald, a southern patriarch and congressman, returned to his plantation from Washington, D.C., he found one of his slaves on her deathbed. Crissy, the slave, was also Tidbald’s daughter, his lover, and the mother of his child. Disavowing this vexed web of relations, Tidbald assumed that it was the recent birth of a child and the physical difficulties of nursing that were at the root...

  9. Epilogue. The Geopolitics of Incest
    Epilogue. The Geopolitics of Incest (pp. 210-222)

    By the middle of the nineteenth century, the link between incest and the liberal subject had been fully established. Indeed, to think about the modernity of the liberal subject was to think about his relation to the incest prohibition, and his penchant for incest. The incest prohibition had been remade across the nineteenth century in order to both produce and regulate that liberal individual and the bourgeois, sentimental family. What had been primarily a theological, biblical prohibition had found a new foundation in natural law. That natural law, which made the nuclear family the only universal family formation by making...

  10. Appendix. The Theoretical Life of the Incest Prohibition
    Appendix. The Theoretical Life of the Incest Prohibition (pp. 223-232)
  11. Notes
    Notes (pp. 233-286)
  12. Index
    Index (pp. 287-290)
  13. Acknowledgments
    Acknowledgments (pp. 291-294)
University of Pennsylvania Press logo