Workers and the Right in Spain, 1900-1936

Workers and the Right in Spain, 1900-1936

Colin M. Winston
Copyright Date: 1985
Pages: 378
https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt7zvnmh
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  • Book Info
    Workers and the Right in Spain, 1900-1936
    Book Description:

    Colin Winston traces the Libres' emergence following the collapse of Catholic syndicalism in Catalonia and shows how, in the period up to the Civil War, they moved from radical Carlism to a form of proletarian fascism.

    Originally published in 1984.

    ThePrinceton Legacy Libraryuses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

    eISBN: 978-1-4008-5809-5
    Subjects: Political Science, Business

Table of Contents

  1. Front Matter
    (pp. i-vi)
  2. Table of Contents
    (pp. vii-viii)
  3. MAPS
    (pp. ix-ix)
  4. ILLUSTRATIONS
    (pp. ix-ix)
  5. TABLES
    (pp. x-x)
  6. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
    (pp. xi-xii)
  7. ABBREVIATIONS
    (pp. xiii-xv)
  8. BIBLIOGRAPHIC ABBREVIATIONS
    (pp. xv-2)
  9. INTRODUCTION
    (pp. 3-11)

    Since the eighteenth century Spanish history has often been seen as a clash between the “two Spains,” one Catholic, traditionalist, and reactionary, the other secular, liberal, and anticlerical. Although such a caricature does litde justice to the nuances of reality, it does point up the centrality of religion in Spanish life. More than any other factor, attitudes toward Catholicism serve as a litmus test for a Spaniard’s general social and political views, as well as revealing much about an individual’s class status and place of origin. Practicing Catholics tend to come from rural areas of northern Spain or to be...

  10. 1 THE SOCIAL FAILURE OF THE CATALAN CATHOLIC ELITE
    (pp. 12-37)

    Modern Spanish history begins with a holy war. The Church, which later became identified with capitalism and the bourgeoisie, started the nineteenth century as an intensely popular institution that enjoyed the enthusiastic support of Spain’s masses. When Napoleon invaded the peninsula in 1808 he was confronted by a mass insurrection inspired, organized, and often led by the clergy. Defense of religion and traditional values, not xenophobia, stimulated this response. When the French—tellingly dubbed the “100,000 sons of Saint Louis”—returned in 1823 to rid Spain of liberalism and restore her Church and Catholic monarch they were greeted as liberators...

  11. 2 THE SPANISH VOLKSVEREIN: ACCION SOCIAL POPULAR
    (pp. 38-64)

    Acción Sociai Popular was the central Catalan social Catholic initiative of the early twentieth century. It represented the most serious and sustained effort prior to the Civil War to propagate social Catholicism among the Catalan—and also Spanish—urban working classes.¹ The ASP also endeavored to end the regional insularity of Catalan Catholics and establish Barcelona as the peninsula’s social Catholic capital. As an explicitly national organization, the ASP might have prepared the ground for a Spanish Christian Democratic party. In Germany and Italy the associations upon which the ASP was modeled—the Volksverein and the Unione Popolare—were crucial...

  12. 3 CARLISM IN BARCELONA, 1900–1919
    (pp. 65-107)

    Modern Europe has witnessed many counterrevolutionary peasant revolts, but only in Spain did they coalesce into a powerful, long-lasting, mass-based traditionalist political movement. Jacobitism in England became an aristocratic eccentricity within a generation of its birth. Portuguese Miguelismo died with the collapse of Don Miguel’s kingdom. The vaguely royalist postrisorgimento Neapolitan bandits did not survive the decade of the 1870s. In France Legitimism, which enjoyed mass support in the Vendée and the Chouannerie during the revolution, failed to retain its popular backing throughout the nineteenth century. Spanish Carlism (also known in the early twentieth century as Jaimism) followed a different...

  13. 4 THE BIRTH OF SINDICALISMO LIBRE, 1919–1923
    (pp. 108-170)

    Spanish historiography contains many gaps, but few are so wide as the lack of treatment accorded the Sindicatos Libres. Created in Barcelona in 1919, the Free Trade Unions eventually extended their radius of action throughout Catalonia and the entire nation, in 1924 forming the Confederación Nacional de Sindicatos Libres de España (CNSL), which claimed nearly 200,000 members at its peak five years later. Between 1919 and 1923, and again from 1930 to 1931, the Libres competed with the CNT for syndical predominance in Catalonia; during the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera (1923–1930) the CNSL entertained hopes of replacing the...

  14. 5 UNDER THE DICTATORSHIP: THE LIBRES’ SOCIAL FUNCTION
    (pp. 171-225)

    On 13 September 1923 the captain general of Catalonia, Miguel Primo de Rivera, announced his intention of forming a military directory. King Alfonso XIII quickly accepted the offer, and before the general had stepped off the Barcelona-Madrid express the crown’s Liberal Constitutional government had disbanded. Thegolpeof 13 September was no Iberian version of the March on Rome, but apronunciamientoin the classic Spanish fashion. Primo de Rivera evoked the liberal General Prim and Joaquín Costa, the writer who had called for an iron surgeon to save Spain, not Mussolini. Far from rejecting liberalism and constitutionalism the dictator...

  15. 6 UNDER THE DICTATORSHIP: POLITICS AND IDEOLOGY OF PROLETARIAN FASCISM
    (pp. 226-292)

    Although the Sindicatos Libres later became inextricably identified with the Primo de Rivera regime, they do not appear to have played an important role in the gestation of the coup or to have been favored by the government in its early stages. Barcelona’s industrialists, Carlists, and most of the Lliga Regionalista’s leaders enthusiastically seconded thegolpe, but the Libres observed a discreet silence in the days following 13 September. According to one historian’s testimony, Primo de Rivera’s personal bodyguard was composed of Libre toughs, and armed patrols of union militants ensured tranquillity in the streets of Barcelona during the tense...

  16. 7 TO THE EIGHTEENTH OF JULY
    (pp. 293-322)

    The role of the Sindicatos Libres as a significant syndical force ended in 1931. During the Primo de Rivera regime the CNSL had nearly equaled the UGT in size, though not in prestige or influence. It had grown from a regional into a national organization, with over 40 percent (81,000) of an alleged 197,853 members residing outside Catalonia.¹ Although the CNT’s resurgence and the progressive withdrawal of official support had lost the confederation perhaps a third of its affiliates in the course of 1930–1931, it had neither collapsed nor been reduced to a mere bystander. But the union’s differing...

  17. CONCLUSION
    (pp. 323-330)

    This study began with an analysis of ambitious proposals for social and syndical reform propounded by the most prestigious elements of the Catalan Church and has ended with a portrayal of the degeneration of the Sindicatos Libres into a minuscule but violent appendage of the radical right. The progression from Torras i Bages and Father Palau to Ramón Sales was neither direct nor inevitable, but it illustrated an important aspect of modern Catalan (and Spanish) history: the inability of the Catholic right, in both its socially elitist and more populist Carlist incarnations, to mobilize effectively a significant sector of the...

  18. BIBLIOGRAPHY
    (pp. 331-348)
  19. INDEX
    (pp. 349-361)
  20. Back Matter
    (pp. 362-362)