The Chinese Debate about Soviet Socialism, 1978-1985

The Chinese Debate about Soviet Socialism, 1978-1985

GILBERT ROZMAN
Copyright Date: 1987
Pages: 412
https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt7zvvg8
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  • Book Info
    The Chinese Debate about Soviet Socialism, 1978-1985
    Book Description:

    This study, based largely on Chinese journals rarely available to Western scholars, explores the abrupt turnabout of Chinese views of the Soviet Union from condemnations of revisionism" to appreciation for problems common to both countries.

    Originally published in 1987.

    ThePrinceton Legacy Libraryuses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

    eISBN: 978-1-4008-5859-0
    Subjects: Political Science

Table of Contents

  1. Front Matter
    (pp. i-iv)
  2. Table of Contents
    (pp. v-v)
  3. LIST OF TABLES
    (pp. vi-vi)
  4. PREFACE
    (pp. vii-xii)
    G.R.
  5. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
    (pp. xiii-2)
  6. ONE INTRODUCTION
    (pp. 3-61)

    When Chinese write about the Soviet Union—its history, its recent conditions, and its prospects for reform—they are not engaged in some obscure academic controversy. They are, in fact, at the behest of China’s leaders, consciously contributing to an ongoing national debate that has potentially far-reaching consequences for redirecting both the domestic and the foreign policies of the People’s Republic. Discussions of the Soviet Union are of such importance because China’s communist leaders have continuously measured their country against the yardstick of their neighbor to the north; their worldview has been intimately related to their view of Soviet socialism,...

  7. TWO CHRONOLOGY: YEAR-BY-YEAR DEVELOPMENTS
    (pp. 62-143)

    It is no simple matter to characterize Chinese views of the Soviet Union over the transitional decade, 1976-1985. There were repeated changes in the perceptions of some matters, but not of others. Shifting attitudes about socialism at home—both economic reforms and ideological reinterpretations—established new standards for evaluating Soviet practices. Foreign policy considerations, especially the state of Sino-Soviet negotiations, figured importantly in Chinese judgments. The Soviet Union itself experienced more flux than at any time since the 1950s. Moreover, emerging Chinese perceptions were not necessarily simultaneously transmitted inneibuand openly circulated publications. The persistence of differing interpretations in...

  8. THREE PEASANTS AND THE AGRICULTURAL SYSTEM
    (pp. 144-189)

    For a time in the 1960s and 1970s, China, more than any other country, captured the imagination of foreign observers as a country in which peasants took fate into their own hands. Maoism stood for revolution by and for the peasants. To a vocal minority of foreign observers responding to the rhetoric of the Cultural Revolution, Chinese communism even represented the brightest hope for the majority of people in the world—the struggling peasants of the less-developed countries. At the core of these optimistic assertions was a widely perceived contrast between the revolution from above in the Soviet Union, which...

  9. FOUR WORKERS AND THE INDUSTRIAL SYSTEM
    (pp. 190-238)

    Workers in China never fit the Marxist image of the modern proletariat. Their numbers remained small relative to others, and they failed to lead the way in the revolutionary struggle to 1949. In Maoist ideology, although referred to as the leading class (lingdao jieji), they often found themselves grouped with peasants as part of the masses rather than being singled out as a separate and cohesive class with a distinct historic role. As early as 1958-1960, Mao began to criticize Soviet policies toward workers, and at the same time to popularize a different image of China’s proletariat. His extensive notes,...

  10. FIVE THE INTELLIGENTSIA AND THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM
    (pp. 239-294)

    Mao Zedong, as China’s leaders in an earlier era, was preoccupied with the relationship between the educated elite and other groups in the population. The case of the Soviet Union loomed large in the background. Its purported successes in harnessing modern science and technology and in securing compliance had made Chinese enthusiastic about copying the Soviet system of higher education, socialist realism in literature, and much of the structure of the scientific establishment in the USSR. In the 1960s, perceived Soviet failures in maintaining revolutionary ideals in the schools and in controlling the younger generation of writers were among the...

  11. SIX OFFICIALS AND THE SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT
    (pp. 295-351)

    A key test for the strength of reform in a communist-led country is the degree of accuracy tolerated in reevaluating the mistakes of previous leaders and their causes. According to Western and Soviet reform interpretations, the Soviet Union in the post-Stalin period failed to delve deeply enough into the nature of Stalin’s errors and their causes. Soviets used the expression “cult of personality” as if it offered a comprehensive explanation, without permitting Soviet citizens to elaborate on its meaning. They spoke of Khrushchev’s speech at the Twentieth Party Congress as if it represented the culmination of a full-scale examination of...

  12. SEVEN CONCLUSIONS
    (pp. 352-384)

    In the 1980s China has become the pivotal country in the transition within the socialist world away from the tight controls established by Stalin and the intense suspicion of the capitalist West expressed by leading communist officials. Under the leadership of Mao Zedong, the People’s Republic of China had carried these long-established modes of socialist conduct to an extreme rarely surpassed; yet just several years after his death, China had come to represent reform and accommodation on a scale that made the entire world take notice. The international debate on the future of socialist reforms and the ability of socialist...

  13. INDEX
    (pp. 385-396)
  14. Back Matter
    (pp. 397-397)