The Widows' Might
The Widows' Might: Widowhood and Gender in Early British America
Vivian Bruce Conger
Copyright Date: 2009
Published by: NYU Press
Pages: 272
https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt9qgfkt
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The Widows' Might
Book Description:

In early American society, one's identity was determined in large part by gender. The ways in which men and women engaged with their communities were generally not equal: married women fell under the legal control of their husbands, who handled all negotiations with the outside world, as well as many domestic interactions. The death of a husband enabled women to transcend this strict gender divide. Yet, as a widow, a woman occupied a third, liminal gender in early America, performing an unusual mix of male and female roles in both public and private life.With shrewd analysis of widows' wills as well as prescriptive literature, court appearances, newspaper advertisements, and letters, The Widows' Might explores how widows were portrayed in early American culture, and how widows themselves responded to their unique role. Using a comparative approach, Vivian Bruce Conger deftly analyzes how widows in colonial Massachusetts, South Carolina, and Maryland navigated their domestic, legal, economic, and community roles in early American society.

eISBN: 978-0-8147-7296-6
Subjects: History
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  1. Front Matter
    Front Matter (pp. i-vi)
  2. Table of Contents
    Table of Contents (pp. vii-viii)
  3. Acknowledgments
    Acknowledgments (pp. ix-xii)
  4. Introduction: “Lay in a Stock of Graces Against the Evil Day of Widowhood”
    Introduction: “Lay in a Stock of Graces Against the Evil Day of Widowhood” (pp. 1-18)

    On August 30, 1673, in Boston, Massachusetts, Dorothy Upshall, widow of Nicholas, wrote a will in which she divided her earthly goods among two daughters, a grandson, three granddaughters, one brother, and two sisters. Thirty-five years later and about 402 miles south of Boston, in Charles County, Maryland, Elizabeth Diggs, widow of William, left her estate to six sons and three daughters, demanding that daughter Mary receive her share immediately while her other children wait until all her debts were paid. Eighteen years later and 440 miles further south, in Charleston, South Carolina, Catherine LaNoble, widow of Henry, bequeathed her...

  5. 1 “Though She Were Yong, Yet She Did Not Affect a Second Marriage”: The Cultural Community and Widow Remarriage
    1 “Though She Were Yong, Yet She Did Not Affect a Second Marriage”: The Cultural Community and Widow Remarriage (pp. 19-48)

    In a revealing courtship ritual between two powerful widowed Bostonians, we see Madam Katherine Winthrop testing the boundaries of her power, independence, and self-identity as a wealthy woman, we see the extent to which she internalized as well as challenged the messages of prevailing advice literature, and we see how she—like other women—reconstructed ideas of widowhood through the contingencies of their lives and the choices they made. Throughout the give-and-take of this courtship, it became clear that the inducements for her to remarry would have to be great—ultimately greater than her suitor Samuel Sewall was willing to...

  6. 2 “Prosperity & Peace May Alwais Him Attend That to the Widdow Prove Himselfe a Friend”: Widows and the Law
    2 “Prosperity & Peace May Alwais Him Attend That to the Widdow Prove Himselfe a Friend”: Widows and the Law (pp. 49-78)

    On December 28, 1704, Benjamin Schenckingh Jr., William Smith for his wife Elizabeth, William Elliott for his wife Catherine, and John Emperor for his wife Amarintia, submitted a petition to the South Carolina Court of Chancery justifying their suit against Elizabeth Schenckingh’s estate.¹ At Bernard Schenckingh Sr.’s death, his children included the petitioners, a daughter, Hannah Grange, “all which he had by a former Venter [wife],” and a son, Bernard, “whome he had by Elizabeth Schencking his late Wife.” Bernard Sr. died intestate. The court named his second wife, Elizabeth, administratrix. After taking the dower share of her husband’s estate,...

  7. 3 “To the Tenderness of a Mother Add the Care and Conduct of a Father”: Widows and the Household
    3 “To the Tenderness of a Mother Add the Care and Conduct of a Father”: Widows and the Household (pp. 79-106)

    On August 14, 1649, John Bateman and the widow Margarite Perry, both of London, signed a marriage contract under which Bateman promised to bequeath his intended wife, Perry’s daughter Mary, £1,000 sterling for her own use. To ensure compliance with this agreement, Bateman bound himself to Perry for £2,000 sterling.¹ Such marriage contracts were not common, but neither were they unheard of.² John Bateman, having moved his family to Maryland, died without fulfilling his obligation to Mary and her mother. In his will, Bateman bequeathed land and other goods to his “widdow and Relict” Mary and named her as executrix....

  8. 4 “Tho She No More Increase One Family, She May Support Many”: Neighborly Widows
    4 “Tho She No More Increase One Family, She May Support Many”: Neighborly Widows (pp. 107-128)

    Part of the responsibilities entailed in the masculine roles assumed by widows forced them from the household and into the wider community. The necessity for widows to conduct worldly business went beyond tending to their own households. However, because the prescriptive discourse portrayed men as innately rational, clear-headed public individuals and widows as innately sentimental, “benummed” private beings, the widow who entered the world of the community threatened the natural order—as the complicated lawsuit Widow Mary Smith initiated against her son-in-law, Richard Rowland, demonstrates. On September 30, 1662, Smith complained to the Essex County Quarterly Court that Rowland “tooke...

  9. 5 “Through Industry and Care Acquired Some Estate of My Own . . . Much Advanced the Same”: Widows in the Economic Community
    5 “Through Industry and Care Acquired Some Estate of My Own . . . Much Advanced the Same”: Widows in the Economic Community (pp. 129-152)

    In her will, proved October 13, 1742, Benedicta Netmaker bequeathed her estate to six female friends, including Anna Wroe, the daughter of her “ much Esteemed Friend Mrs. Magdalen Wroe,” whom she named as one of the executors. Wroe also had two sons, both of whom Netmaker ignored both in her will. Just three days later, Magdalen Wroe’s executors proved her will, in which she named Benedicta Netmaker as the executor of her estate. Coincidentally, earlier that same year, the widows had written their wills less than a month apart.¹ Or was it coincidental? The sources that would answer that...

  10. Conclusion: “Witnesses to a Will of Madam Toys”
    Conclusion: “Witnesses to a Will of Madam Toys” (pp. 153-158)

    On July 6, 1730, Jeremiah Bumstead, Mr. Franklin, and Mr. Addison witnessed Madam Toy’s will. This simple act occurred daily in early America, but there is little information about the woman. Mercy Toy—or Tay—was licensed as an innholder in 1710. John Dunton called her “a friend” and wrote of her, “she has the bashfulness and modesty of the damsel, the love and fidelity of Mrs. Green, and the piety and sweetness of the Widow Brick [whom we met in chapter 2].” He described her as “parte per Pale . . . that is half wife, half Widow, her...

  11. Notes
    Notes (pp. 159-212)
  12. Bibliography
    Bibliography (pp. 213-238)
  13. Index
    Index (pp. 239-243)
  14. About the Author
    About the Author (pp. 244-244)