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Research Report

‘SOUTH–SOUTH’ STRATEGIC CHALLENGES: to the global economic system and power regime

Dot Keet
Copyright Date: Oct. 1, 2006
Pages: 61
OPEN ACCESS
https://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep07773

Table of Contents

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  1. (pp. 1-2)
  2. (pp. 3-4)
  3. (pp. 7-8)
  4. (pp. 8-10)

    The globalisation of capitalism, penetrating more extensively and intensively into every country and every sector throughout the world, has been advanced through complex and shifting combinations of the direct operation of economic ‘market’ forces; the political exertion of economic force; the application of political pressures; and the utilisation of technological and ideological instruments, and military means, as deemed necessary. All these dimensions demand, and are receiving, the attention of critical analysts and organised popular forces, focused in particular on the more blatant unilateralism and aggressive militarism of the current ‘global superpower’, the United States.

    At the same time, however, important...

  5. (pp. 11-20)

    The better informed and more proactive of the developing-country governments began to come together to discuss these problems, and to create informal working alliances to deal with them. The earliest such initiative of the stronger and/or more determined of such countries came to be known as the Like-Minded Group (LMG), bringing together some 15 developing-country governments. Depending on the issue in focus, the LMG at various points included countries such as Cuba, the Dominican Republic, and Jamaica in the Caribbean; India, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, the Philippines, and Sri Lanka in Asia; and Egypt, Kenya, Mauritius, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zimbabwe in...

  6. (pp. 20-26)

    Long before the G-22/G-20, and other groupings of ‘developing’ countries, came to be formed within the WTO, countries of the South had joined together in a number of international alliances. In the context of anti-colonial struggles and ‘post-independence’ neo-colonialism in the South, and in the face of the imperialism of the North, the common aims of the countries of Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Caribbean were to protect or promote their interests as ‘the Third World’. This was seen to be a world positioned between or apart from the First World of the capitalist west and the Second World...

  7. (pp. 26-33)

    The overall global balance of economic, political, and military power, and the fundamental distortions and dangers posed by the current domination of the world by one or two overwhelmingly powerful entities, the United States and the EUEU, require new countervailing international alliances of the countries of the South. But these, in turn, need to learn the lessons and go further than the established historic modes, or even the more recent innovative networks of overlapping tactical alliances emerging within the functioning of the WTO. It is in this context that considerable significance could be attached to a new alliance among three...

  8. (pp. 33-41)

    In the meantime, at a very different level, there is another programme – more narrowly focused in substance, but more inclusive in participation – for South-South intergovernmental trade co-operation. This is the GSTP, which is already underway, and could promote arrangements that include all the large and small, developing and least developed countries of Africa, Asia and the Pacific, Latin America, and the Caribbean. Initiated by the G-7777+China at a ministerial meeting in New Delhi in July 1985, this agreement for the promotion of trade among developing countries was taken further in the G-7777 ministerial meeting in Brasilia in May...

  9. (pp. 42-49)

    Despite all the talk by the majors about the necessity for the multilateral system, the reality is that unilateral, bilateral, and regional strategies are already, and have long been, integral to the positioning of the major powers vis-à-vis the rest of the world. Even while pursuing the ground-breaking URUR liberalisation agreements to entrench the emerging globalised economy legally and advance it rapidly – and to secure their dominance therein – the major industrialised economies were simultaneously negotiating their own bilateral and regional agreements, and building their own regional bases within the European Community/Union and the North American Free Trade Area...

  10. (pp. 54-58)
  11. (pp. 59-59)