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Peace and Bread in Time of War

Peace and Bread in Time of War

Copyright Date: 2002
Pages: 200
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  • Book Info
    Peace and Bread in Time of War
    Book Description:

    First published in 1922 during the "Red Scare," by which time Jane Addams's pacifist efforts had adversely affected her popularity as an author and social reformer, Peace and Bread in Time of War is Addams's eighth book and the third to deal with her thoughts on pacifism. _x000B__x000B_Addams's unyielding pacifism during the Great War drew criticism from politicians and patriots who deemed her the "most dangerous woman in America." Even those who had embraced her ideals of social reform condemned her outspoken opposition to U.S. entry into World War I or were ambivalent about her peace platforms. Turning away from the details of the war itself, Addams relies on memory and introspection in this autobiographical portrayal of efforts to secure peace during the Great War. "I found myself so increasingly reluctant to interpret the motives of other people that at length I confined all analysis of motives to my own," she writes. Using the narrative technique she described in The Long Road of Women's Memory, an extended musing on the roles of memory and myth in women's lives, Addams also recalls attacks by the press and defends her political ideals. _x000B__x000B_Katherine Joslin's introduction provides additional historical context to Addams's involvement with the Woman's Peace Party, the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, and her work on Herbert Hoover's campaign to provide relief and food to women and children in war-torn enemy countries._x000B_

    eISBN: 978-0-252-09035-6
    Subjects: History

Table of Contents

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  1. Front Matter
    (pp. i-vi)
  2. Table of Contents
    (pp. vii-viii)
  3. Introduction: A Voice from the Silence
    (pp. ix-xxxvi)

    Zona Gale, a writer from Portage, Wisconsin, settled into a book in 1922. She might have been reading T. S. Eliot’s The Wasteland, with its suggestive images and fragmented lines, or James Joyce’s Ulysses, with its bold play of language and focus on individual consciousness. The publication of both works that year supposedly marked a radical change in literary sensibility. A new writer, free of tradition, might abandon the notions of the line in poetry and the sentence in prose and record scattered impressions, images, and language as they score upon the mind. In the war’s effluvium, artists imagined a...

  4. Preface
    (pp. 1-2)
    Jane Addams
  5. 1 At the Beginning of the Great War
    (pp. 3-16)

    When the news came to America of the opening hostilities which were the beginning of the European Conflict, the reaction against war, as such, was almost instantaneous throughout the country. This was most strikingly registered in the newspaper cartoons and comments which expressed astonishment that such an archaic institution should be revived in modern Europe. A procession of women led by the daughter of William Lloyd Garrison walked the streets of New York City in protest against war and the sentiment thus expressed, if not the march itself, was universally approved by the press.

    Certain professors, with the full approval...

  6. 2 The Neutral Conference plus the Ford Ship
    (pp. 17-29)

    In the fall of 1915, after we had written our so-called “Manifesto,” a meeting of the Woman’s Peace Party was called in New York City, at which we were obliged to make the discouraging report that, in spite of the fact that the accredited officials of the leading belligerent nations, namely, Great Britain, France, Russia, Belgium, Italy, Germany, Austria and Hungary, had expressed a willingness to cooperate in a Neutral Conference, and while the neutral nations, Norway, Sweden, Denmark, and Holland had been eager to participate in the proposed conference if it could be called by the United States, our...

  7. 3 President Wilsonʹs Policies and the Womanʹs Peace Party
    (pp. 30-42)

    We heard with much enthusiasm the able and discriminating annual message delivered by the President in December, 1915. It seemed to lay clearly before the country “the American strategy” which the President evidently meant to carry out; he had called for a negotiated peace in order to save both sides from utter exhaustion and moral disaster in the end. We were all disappointed that when he asked for a statement of war aims both sides were reluctant to respond, but Germany’s flat refusal put her at an enormous disadvantage and enabled the President in his role of leading neutral to...

  8. 4 A Review of Bread Rations and Womanʹs Traditions
    (pp. 43-52)

    As the European war continued and new relief organizations developed for the care of the wounded and orphaned, the members of our group felt increasingly the need for the anodyne of work, although it was difficult to find our places. For instance, the American Red Cross, following the practice of the British society, had become part of the military organization as it had never done before and its humanitarian appeal for funds had fully utilized the war enthusiasms. Such a combination made it not only more difficult for pacifists to become identified with the Red Cross, but all war activities...

  9. 5 A Speculation on Bread Labor and War Slogans
    (pp. 53-61)

    It was at the end of the winter of 1916–17 that the astounding news came of the Russian Revolution. Perhaps it was because this peasant revolution reminded me of Bondereff’s “Bread Labour,” a sincere statement of the aspirations of the Russian peasants, that the events during the first weeks of the revolution seemed to afford a sharp contrast between the simple realities of life and the unreal slogans with which the war was being stimulated. Years of uncertainty, of conflicting reports, and of disillusionment, which have followed the Russian Revolution of March 1917, make it difficult to recall our...

  10. 6 After War Was Declared
    (pp. 62-75)

    The first meeting of our national Board, convened after the declaration of war, was in October, 1917, in a beautiful country house at which the members, arriving from New York, Boston, Philadelphia, St. Louis and Chicago, appeared as the guests at a house party, none of the friends of the hostess ever knowing that we had not been invited upon a purely social basis.

    It was a blessed relief to be in communication with like-minded people once more and to lose somewhat the sense of social disapprobation and of alienation of which we had become increasingly conscious. After three days’...

  11. 7 Personal Reactions during War
    (pp. 76-86)

    After the United States had entered the war there began to appear great divergence among the many types of pacifists, from the extreme left, composed of non-resistants, through the middle-of-the-road groups, to the extreme right, who could barely be distinguished from mild militarists. There were those people, also, who although they felt keenly both the horror and the futility of war, yet hoped for certain beneficent results from the opportunities afforded by the administration of war; they were much pleased when the government took over the management of the railroads, insisting that governmental ownership had thus been pushed forward by...

  12. 8 In Europe during the Armistice
    (pp. 87-101)

    In line with a resolution passed at our Hague Congress in 1915, “that our next Congress should be held at the time and place of the official Peace Conference,” each of the national sections had appointed a committee of five, who were to start for the place of the Peace Conference as soon as the arrangements were announced. They were then to cable back to the selected twenty delegates and ten alternates in each country, who were to follow as quickly as preparations could be made. It was assumed in 1915, not only by ourselves, but largely by the rest...

  13. 9 The Aftermath of War
    (pp. 102-113)

    A few months after our return from Europe the annual meeting of the Woman’s Peace Party was held in Philadelphia, again at the Friends’ Meeting House. The reports showed that during the war the state branches had modified their activities in various ways. The Massachusetts branch had carried on war relief of many kinds, such as the operation of a plant for desiccating vegetables. The New York Branch on the other hand, had become more radical and in defense of its position published a monthly journal entitled The Four Winds, which was constantly challenged by the Federal authorities. The annual...

  14. 10 A Food Challenge to the League of Nations
    (pp. 114-126)

    During the first year of the League of Nations, there were times when we felt that the governments must develop a new set of motives and of habits, certainly a new personnel before they would be able to create a genuine League; that the governmental representatives were fumbling awkwardly at a new task for which their previous training in international relations had absolutely unfitted them.

    In a book entitled “International Government” put out by the Fabian Society, its author, Leonard Woolf, demonstrates the super-caution governments traditionally exhibit in regard to all foreign relationships even when under the pressure of great...

  15. 11 In Europe after Two Years of Peace
    (pp. 127-140)

    Our Third International Congress was held at Vienna in July, 1921, almost exactly two years after the Peace of Versailles had been signed. This third Congress was of necessity unlike the other two in tension and temper and in some respects more difficult. At the first one, held at The Hague in 1915, women came together not only to make a protest against war but to present suggestions for consideration at the final Peace Conference, which, as no one could forsee the duration of the war, everyone then believed might be held within a few months. The second Congress was...

  16. Afterword
    (pp. 141-144)

    We returned to the United States in October to find the enthusiasm for the International Conference on the Limitation of Armaments, convened by President Harding for Armistice day, Nov. 11th, 1921, running at full tide.

    During the autumn and early winter, women’s organizations of all kinds were eagerly advocating limitations of armaments and many of them had united with other public bodies in establishing headquarters in Washington from which information and propaganda were constantly issued.

    Seldom had any public movement received more universal support from American women; an estimate issued by the National League of Women Voters stated that more...

  17. Appendix: Womenʹs International League for Peace and Freedom
    (pp. 145-148)
  18. Index
    (pp. 149-160)
  19. Back Matter
    (pp. 161-162)