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South Africa and the World

South Africa and the World: The Foreign Policy of Apartheid

Amry Vandenbosch
Copyright Date: 1970
Pages: 312
https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt130jc4z
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  • Book Info
    South Africa and the World
    Book Description:

    In this first comprehensive study of the foreign policy of South Africa, Amry Vandenbosch focuses attention not only on some of the major problems of a white-dominated African country but also, in wider scope, on three of the chief issues of mid-twentieth century: colonialism, race relations, and collective security.

    South Africa has inaugurated an outward-looking policy. Its relative strength among the African nations, combined with the domestic difficulties experienced by those weaker nations, has caused Pan-Africanism to lose much of its force and has enabled South Africa to exert even more vigorous leadership on the continent, particularly south of the Sahara. South Africa nevertheless faces many problems, and its outward-looking policy has met with rather limited success. Faced with all its difficulties, dead-end roads, and a strong world opinion condemnatory of apartheid, Vandenbosch argues South African whites must begin to doubt the wisdom of their racial policy and come to accept the idea of its modification.

    eISBN: 978-0-8131-6494-6
    Subjects: Political Science, Sociology

Table of Contents

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  1. Front Matter
    (pp. i-iv)
  2. Preface
    (pp. v-vi)
  3. Table of Contents
    (pp. vii-viii)
  4. PART I Background: 1652–1910

    • 1 From Tavern of the Seas to British Dominion
      (pp. 3-12)

      South Africa may be situated in an outlying corner of the world but it has been an important factor in world politics for more than three centuries. The antecedents of the Republic of South Africa go back to the planting of a colony by the Dutch East India Company on Table Bay at the Cape of Good Hope in 1652. Long before the establishment of Cape Town, Dutch and English ships had stopped with increasing regularity at the Cape to break the long voyage to and from the East and to take on a supply of fresh water. Agents of...

    • 2 Social Structure and Foreign Policy
      (pp. 13-28)

      The foreign policy of South Africa has become almost totally a defense of its racial policy against the hostile pressure of nearly the whole world. Occasionally its prime ministers talk as if South Africa had found the solution to the racial problem and had an obligation to carry this glorious news to all those parts of the world which have to struggle with it. But few people in South Africa take this seriously. They know that their racial policy is not for export. They will he happy enough if their country can escape serious outside intervention and ultimately obtain some...

  5. PART II Conciliation: 1910–1924

    • 3 World War I: Development of an Independent Foreign Policy
      (pp. 31-55)

      It was generally assumed that when Great Britain declared war on Germany on August 4, 1914, South Africa automatically became a belligerent. The Union was part of the British Empire and when the United Kingdom became involved in war, so did the whole Empire. Constitutionally the Union had no choice as to its legal status, but the Union had the right to determine the degree of its actual participation in the war. The Union had been granted self-government, hence to what extent and how it would participate in military activities was for it to determine. It was only twelve years...

    • 4 The Union and the Borderlands
      (pp. 56-70)

      It was not long after the planting of the colony at Cape Town in 1652 that some of the settlers began to turn their eyes northward and eastward. The dispersion began early and, in spite of attempts by the authorities to check it, the movement gathered momentum reaching its peak in the Great Trek of 1835–1848. As the Boers moved eastward and northward they encountered the Bantu coming southward and for a century the Boers and Bantu fought bitterly for control of the land of southern Africa. Hositilities broke out on the eastern frontier in the late eighteenth century...

  6. PART III National-Labor Coalition: 1924–1933

    • 5 Formal Recognition of Sovereign Status
      (pp. 73-86)

      Whenever in South African history Afrikaners and English-speaking peoples achieved some form of political harmony or cooperation it was at the expense of the nonwhites. Under the terms of the Treaty of Vereeniging the natives were excluded from the franchise in the former Boer republics. With the formation of the Union nonwhites were barred from sitting in Parliament. When the Afrikaner National party of Hertzog formed a pact with the largely English-speaking Labor party the color bar was extended to industrial employment. The fusion of the South African and the National parties in 1934 was followed by the removal from...

  7. PART IV Fusion: 1933–1939

    • 6 Uncertainty in the Midst of Rising World Tensions
      (pp. 89-104)

      Hertzog and Smuts decided to bury the hatchet and join in a coalition cabinet (March 31, 1933), with Hertzog as prime minister and minister of external affairs and Smuts as deputy prime minister and minister of justice. The country was experiencing a severe economic crisis and the world situation was becoming tense. Hitler had come to power in Germany, and Japan had withdrawn from the League of Nations. Hertzog seemed convinced that Smuts and his party had accepted the sovereign status of the Union as embodied in the Statute of Westminster and had also accepted the policy of “South Africa...

  8. PART V World War II and Aftermath: 1939–1948

    • 7 The Resurgence of Afrikaner Nationalism
      (pp. 107-115)

      Parliament’s decision to enter the war marks a watershed in South African history. Smuts and his supporters won that victory, but they helped set the stage for the ultimate triumph of Afrikaner nationalism and republicanism. The movement begun by Hertzog in World War I, somewhat arrested by the Balfour Declaration and the Statute of Westminster, gathered momentum during and after World War II. Hertzog joined forces with Malan and the two issued a joint statement that “a republican form of government, separated from the British, was best suited to the traditions and aspirations of the South African people.”¹

      In a...

    • 8 The New World and Storm Signals
      (pp. 116-124)

      As early as May 1941 General Smuts began to outline his hopes for the new world order.¹ He believed that the day of the small state had passed. The pressure of the times was irresistibly forcing the free democracies into a great world organization, of which the British Commonwealth was undoubtedly a precedent and prototype. Closest to this inner circle was the United States, which had the same ethic of life and philosophy and a common language and a literary culture. The states arrayed against Hitler would at the peace naturally form a world society “which would provide for effective...

  9. PART VI The Foreign Policy of Apartheid: 1948–

    • 9 Nationalism and Foreign Policy
      (pp. 127-135)

      The triumph of the Nationalist and allied Afrikaner parties in the parliamentary election of May 26, 1948, came as a surprise to everybody, including the Nationalists. The elections of 1943 had been favorable for Smuts and his United party, at least so it seemed superficially. The United party had increased the number of its seats in the House of Assembly from seventy-two to eighty-nine. The United party’s gains, however, were not won at the expense of the Nationalist party, which actually gained two seats to increase its strength to forty-three. The New Order and Afrikaner parties were wiped out with...

    • 10 The High Commission Territories
      (pp. 136-145)

      Though interested in the expansion of the Union territory, Botha and Smuts did not press Britain to transfer the Protectorates. When the National party leader Hertzog became prime minister in 1924 at the head of a government in coalition with the Labor party he at first took a somewhat ambiguous position on the matter. While he declared that he favored the incorporation of the Territories only if their populations desired it, he, nevertheless, reopened the question with the British government. In the beginning he seemed interested only in Swaziland, which had considerable resources. He became more insistent and his demands...

    • 11 Rhodesia: South African Protégé
      (pp. 146-154)

      Conditions in South Africa and Rhodesia were too similar for the two countries not to feel an attraction for each other.¹ In addition to similar conditions and problems there was the presence in Rhodesia of a considerable number of South African whites, both Afrikaner and English. If we use membership of the Dutch Reformed churches as the basis, the Afrikaners constituted 17.7 percent of the total white population in 1931, but only 13.5 percent in 1951. As in South Africa there was tension between the two linguistic groups. The Afrikaners were considered by the English-speaking Rhodesians to be backward. The...

    • 12 The Lands Farther North
      (pp. 155-173)

      The question of the use of South African troops beyond the border of the Union was an issue that gave the Smuts government considerable trouble in the Second World War. The defense limits of the Union had been an issue in debates even before the war. Defense Minister Oswald Pirow planned a coordination of the defense of the Union with that of Kenya, Tanganyika, Uganda, and Nyasaland. Smuts emphasized the defense of white civilization as the criterion that should determine the defense limits of the Union. This criterion was acceptable to the Nationalists, but they were uncertain as to where...

    • 13 Expulsion from the Commonwealth
      (pp. 174-188)

      Before departing for London to attend the 1949 Commonwealth Prime Ministers’ Conference, Malan made an important statement on South Africa’s relation to the Commonwealth.¹ So long as nothing detrimental was done to the free, independent rights of the separate units of the Commonwealth his government had no intention of withdrawing from that association. South Africa was absolutely free and independent.

      Upon his return from London, Malan made a statement to the House of Assembly on the work of the Conference.² The only matter before the meeting, he reported, was India’s request to continue as a member of the Commonwealth after...

    • 14 Conflict with the United Nations: Treatment of Indians
      (pp. 189-202)

      General Smuts was too sensitive a man not to know that new winds were blowing in the world. But of their strength he really did not become aware until he encountered them in the First Session of the United Nations General Assembly. Equal rights, he told Jan H. Hofmeyr in May 1945, would be the cry at the United Nations.¹ That South Africa would he an early target of the drive must have caused him some concern. South Africa was vulnerable on more than one front. In addition to the treatment of Indians there was its policy with respect to...

    • 15 Conflict with the United Nations: South West Africa
      (pp. 203-227)

      South West Africa is a large territory with a sparse population. It has an area of 317,725 square miles but in 1960 its inhabitants numbered only 525,064, of whom 73,154 were whites, 427,980 Bantu, and 23,930 coloreds.¹ Climate and geography account for the sparseness of the population. Much of the territory is desert or semi-arid. The amount of rainfall increases from the southwest to the northeast corner of the territory, but even in the northeast corner the annual rainfall is not much over twenty inches and the soil is so poor and the water table so high that profitable cultivation...

    • 16 Conflict with the United Nations: Apartheid
      (pp. 228-256)

      At the heart of the difficulties between South Africa and the United Nations and the world is the racial policy relentlessly pursued by the Republic. The controversy over the treatment of Indians and the dispute with respect to South West Africa are basically conflicts over apartheid. The triumph of the Nationalists in 1948 represents a watershed in South African political history. This was the first time in the history of the Union that a ministry composed solely of Afrikaners governed the country. While the practice of racial segregation goes back almost to the first years of the planting of the...

    • 17 Siege and Counteroffensive
      (pp. 257-288)

      Few states have been so isolated morally and diplomatically as is the Republic of South Africa today. The growing isolation of the country in the United Nations was due in part to the large increase in African and Asian members, but also to the desertion of its old friends. South Africa has been suspended or expelled or has withdrawn from the following public international organizations: UNESCO, the Commonwealth, the Committee for Technical Cooperation in Africa, the Scientific Council for Africa, the Economic Commission for Africa, the International Civil Aviation Organization, the International Telecommunications Union, the International Labor Organization, the Food...

  10. Bibliographical Note
    (pp. 289-294)
  11. Index
    (pp. 295-303)