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The Foreign Powers in Latin America

The Foreign Powers in Latin America

HERBERT GOLDHAMER
Copyright Date: 1972
Pages: 334
https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt13x170d
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  • Book Info
    The Foreign Powers in Latin America
    Book Description:

    Our preoccupation with the role of the United States in Latin American affairs has obscured the important part played by Canada and the nonhemispheric nations, e.g., the Soviet Union, Japan, and Israel. To compensate for this neglect, Herbert Goldhamer examines the interests and activities of the foreign powers in Latin America, focusing on the decade of the Alliance for Progress (1961-1971). Adopting an analytical and topical rather than a country-by-country approach, Mr. Goldhamer presents a comparative picture of the foreign powers' objectives (territorial, national security, economic, political) and of the means and resources (the migrant presence, affinities, advocacy, models, cultural programs, aid, diplomacy) they have used in pursuit of these ends. In conclusion he evaluates the extent to which they have achieved their ends and sets forth the principles of interstate behavior-and the lessons in statecraft these principles suggest-that seem to have been involved.

    Originally published in 1972.

    ThePrinceton Legacy Libraryuses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

    eISBN: 978-1-4008-6915-2
    Subjects: Political Science

Table of Contents

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  1. Front Matter
    (pp. i-vi)
  2. Preface
    (pp. vii-ix)
    Herbert Goldhamer
  3. Table of Contents
    (pp. x-xii)
  4. List of Tables
    (pp. xiii-xiv)
  5. PART I. INTERESTS

    • 1. Territorial Interests
      (pp. 3-17)

      Of the nonhemispheric powers Great Britain, France, and the Netherlands still retain today a territorial presence in the Latin American—largely the Caribbean—region. In a period in which vestiges of the colonial past have been viewed elsewhere with suspicion or hostility by Third World countries, the continued existence of British, French, and Dutch territories in Latin America has had no serious impact on the relations of these European nations with the Latin republics. Independent for a century and a half, the Latin American states have been less sensitive than the new states of Africa and Asia to these reminders...

    • 2. National Security Interests
      (pp. 18-31)

      Unlike the United States, the nonhemispheric governments do not view Latin America as a region closely related to their national security concerns. This simple fact goes a long way to explain some of the differences between their relations with the Latin republics and those of the United States.

      In the years before, and during, World War II, a strong German presence in Latin America and the existence of political forces sympathetic to Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy had brought Latin America into the orbit of European as well as United States security interests. A struggle ensued between Germany and the...

    • 3. Economic Interests
      (pp. 32-50)

      In 1938, on the eve of World War II, three countries—the United States, the United Kingdom, and Germany—accounted for two-thirds of Latin American visible exports and imports (see Table 3.1). In 1968, although approximately 40 percent of Latin America's trade was with the United States, it took four additional non-Latin American countries to account for two-thirds of the region's trade (see Table 3.2). To the three major trading partners of 1938 have been added Japan and Italy. Canada and Spain also took on increased importance for Latin America after World War II. The Communist countries have emerged as...

    • 4. Political Objectives
      (pp. 51-76)

      Prior to World War I Latin America was significant to the European powers largely because of interests—territorial, investment, trade—in the Latin American region itself. The foreign powers had little need to solicit or neutralize Latin American influence in connection with their concerns in other parts of the world. Latin America possessed neither the ability nor the inclination to mix into these matters. Although Germany and to some extent Italy had not been indifferent to the role South America might play in forwarding their national aspirations,¹ it required a conflict on the scale of World War I to make...

  6. PART II. INSTRUMENTS

    • 5. The Migrant Presence
      (pp. 79-103)

      Sometimes as a conscious instrument of national policy and sometimes simply as an unplanned consequence of their presence, migrants to Latin America have often benefited—and occasionally harmed—their homelands both economically (section 2 below) and politically (section 3 below). We first examine the extent and character of these migrations to Latin America.

      When Latin America achieved independence, only about 20 percent of its population was of European—mostly Spanish and Portugueseorigin.¹ But the large-scale migrations from many parts of the world to Latin America, especially toward the end of the nineteenth century, in the years just before World War...

    • 6. Affinities
      (pp. 104-118)

      The meetings of statesmen and other representatives of nations are fertile occasions for the affirmation or, if necessary, the discovery and revelation of national affinities often little suspected by the rest of the world. Useful as courtesies that flatter host or guest, these references also serve, perhaps more especially in the Latin American case, to overcome feelings of estrangement and a sense of the social and physical distance that separates peoples.¹

      The discovery of affinities is particularly useful and demands a certain ingenuity precisely in those instances where their existence is least evident. Peru’s former president, Fernando Belaiinde, whose country...

    • 7. Advocacy
      (pp. 119-125)

      A sense of dependency has rendered the Latin American countries appreciative of any country that could claim to promote their interests. The foreign powers, seeking to improve their position in the Latin American world, compete for the title of special advocate of Latin American economic interests. So widespread is this competition that it raises the question before whom do these spokesmen for Latin America plead—all the relevant parties have enlisted themselves in the ranks of the advocates.

      Italy, more than most, has had a continuing reputation for being Latin America’s defendant and spokesman, especially before the EEC.¹ Italy has...

    • 8. Models
      (pp. 126-130)

      Some of the nonhemispheric countries competing for a favored position in Latin America are able to urge or imply that relations with them have a particular value for Latin America because of special national experiences or talents that have a Latin American application.

      No country has more persistently traded on this than Italy. Several elements enter into the claim: Italian experience in economic planning, the Italian “opening to the Left” without sacrificing political stability and economic development, and above all, Italy’s experience in developing the Mezzogiorno, its underdeveloped southern regions,¹ the problems of which are equated with those of Latin...

    • 9. Cultural Programs
      (pp. 131-158)

      The cultivation of a national presence abroad through cultural programs is usually presented as a means to promote international communication and the advancement of the arts and sciences. Nonetheless it is generally understood to serve political ends. It is this, of course, that explains the otherwise curious insistence on the part of nations to reciprocate with cultural missions of their own those that have been received from other countries. This is less a repayment of cultural debts than it is a demand for an equal opportunity to impose one's own presence.

      In no Western country have convictions of one’s own...

    • 10. Aid
      (pp. 159-194)

      The transfer of assets, permanent or temporary, from donor to recipient countries is generally viewed as the core of development aid, and understandably so. Nonetheless, in addition to these financial or skill transfers, development aid creates a set of political ties that may affect interstate relations more fundamentally than do the economic transactions themselves. The process of soliciting or rejecting aid, of offering or refusing it, of justifying decisions and complaints before domestic and international public opinion, the formation of alliances and the development of conflicts and rivalries among the donors and recipients, the growth of national and international bureaucracies...

    • 11. Diplomacy
      (pp. 195-220)

      Who are the international jet set? Statesmen and high government officials seem to qualify as well as any for this denomination. Reviewing the year 1967 a political-military analyst finds the multitude of international political visits to be one of its more notable features:

      It seems that technological developments, especially the jet plane, have led politicians and statesmen, who used to be relatively sedentary people, into a hectic round of activity. In any case it is increasingly a modern international style at least to expedite, if not to settle, interstate questions, formerly dealt with through diplomatic channels, by quick visits of...

  7. PART III. RESULTS AND INTERPRETATIONS

    • 12. Results
      (pp. 223-259)

      How well have the foreign powers achieved their objectives in Latin America in the postwar world?

      Rigorous answers to this question cannot be given. The “objectives” of the foreign powers in Latin America differ in public and private groups, and in different segments of government and the government bureaucracy; they vary from administration to administration as well as in the course of a single administration. A head of government or his foreign minister may not have a clearly fixed objective in mind. And if he does, he may not take the pains to reveal it to others. Further, where clarity...

    • 13. Interpretations
      (pp. 260-302)

      Our analysis has already suggested a number of explanations for the various successes, difficulties, and failures that the foreign powers encountered in Latin America. It remains to add some observations of a broader character suggested, but not necessarily demonstrated, by these experiences in interstate relations.

      Societies are highly resistant to conscious attempts to control their direction and rate of change. Changes may indeed be effected but they are not often of the magnitude or the character intended. The attempt of the United States in the sixties to reshape the Latin societies, to alter their rate of development, and to oppose...

  8. Index
    (pp. 303-319)
  9. Back Matter
    (pp. 320-321)