Intrepid Lover of Perfect Grace
Intrepid Lover of Perfect Grace: The Life and Thought of Prosper of Aquitaine
ALEXANDER Y. HWANG
Copyright Date: 2009
Published by: Catholic University of America Press
https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt2852sq
Pages: 284
https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt2852sq
Search for reviews of this book
Book Info
Intrepid Lover of Perfect Grace
Book Description:

Intrepid Lover of Perfect Grace provides students and scholars with the first biography of Prosper of Aquitaine (388-455) and the first book-length study in English of this important figure in the history of Christianity

eISBN: 978-0-8132-2058-1
Subjects: History
You do not have access to this book on JSTOR. Try logging in through your institution for access.
Log in to your personal account or through your institution.
Table of Contents
Export Selected Citations Export to NoodleTools Export to RefWorks Export to EasyBib Export a RIS file (For EndNote, ProCite, Reference Manager, Zotero, Mendeley...) Export a Text file (For BibTex)
Select / Unselect all
  1. Front Matter
    Front Matter (pp. i-vi)
    https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt2852sq.1
  2. Table of Contents
    Table of Contents (pp. vii-viii)
    https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt2852sq.2
  3. Abbreviations
    Abbreviations (pp. ix-x)
    https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt2852sq.3
  4. Chronology of Prosper
    Chronology of Prosper (pp. xi-xii)
    https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt2852sq.4
  5. Preface
    Preface (pp. xiii-xvi)
    https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt2852sq.5
  6. Introduction
    Introduction (pp. 1-10)
    https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt2852sq.6

    The importance of Prosper of Aquitaine for the history of dogma—his defense and interpretation of Augustine’s doctrine of grace—and for early medieval historiography—his continuation of Jerome’s chronicle to 455—have long been acknowledged by both historians and theologians; however, the limited scholarship exclusively devoted to Prosper has not reflected his importance. Only three books on Prosper have appeared since the beginning of the twentieth century. These books, along with articles and brief introductions to translations of Prosper’s works, have only treated certain aspects of Prosper’s life and writings: individual writings, his writings in the context of fifth-century...

  7. 1 The Works of Prosper and Literature
    1 The Works of Prosper and Literature (pp. 11-36)
    https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt2852sq.7

    This chapter is divided into two sections. The first addresses the question of authorship and establishes a list of authentic works by Prosper. The second details the important literature on Prosper from the early twentieth century to the present.

    The lack of certainty surrounding the details of Prosper’s life has led scholars to focus primarily on his theology, particularly in relationship to Augustine’s doctrine of grace. In all, from the twentieth century to the present, scholarship on Prosper is rather sparse—only three books and about a dozen articles, besides a number of translations that contain brief introductions.

    The question...

  8. 2 Prosper’s Life to 416 and De providentia Dei
    2 Prosper’s Life to 416 and De providentia Dei (pp. 37-65)
    https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt2852sq.8

    There is little information about Prosper’s personal life in general, but even less for his early years. It is possible, however, to reconstruct a general picture of Prosper’s early life from inferences drawn from his writings, documented events of the time, and the details of life in late antiquity provided by his less taciturn contemporaries and compatriots. Based on the evidence, admittedly largely circumstantial, it appears that Prosper was born around 388 into the Gallo-Roman aristocracy in Aquitaine. He received the benefits associated with his class and region, including the finest education available in the West, until the barbarian invasions...

  9. 3 Formative Period (417–425)
    3 Formative Period (417–425) (pp. 66-94)
    https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt2852sq.9

    Marseilles in the fifth century experienced an unusual level of prosperity and peace, while other cities of Gaul suffered various degrees of decline. The destruction of the barbarian invasions of Gaul in the early fifth century, disastrous for many cities, did not reach Marseilles. In addition, Marseilles was largely immune to the consequences of internal political and ecclesial strife that plagued other cities of Gaul.

    There were no fewer than seven imperial usurpers between 406 and 422—three of whom were in Gaul—allowing Honorius (395–423) only six years of uncontested rule in the last seventeen years of his...

  10. 4 Servus Dei I (426–430): In Defense of the Catholic Church
    4 Servus Dei I (426–430): In Defense of the Catholic Church (pp. 95-136)
    https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt2852sq.10

    Prosper arrived in Marseilles having witnessed the destruction of life and property as well as extended captivity by the Goths. Prosper then wrote De providentia Dei as a Christian poet relying on his classical training and his own interpretation of Scripture to explain why they had suffered. After a decade of study, reflection, and participation in the intellectual milieu of Marseilles, Prosper emerged as a committed member of the Church—a servus Dei: an “ill defined” but “baptized, dedicated layman, determined to live, in the company of bishops, priests and noble patrons, the full life of a Christian.”¹ Prosper at...

  11. 5 Servus Dei II (430–440): Augustine and the Roman Church
    5 Servus Dei II (430–440): Augustine and the Roman Church (pp. 137-186)
    https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt2852sq.11

    Although Augustine responded to Prosper’s and Hilary’s doctrinal questions with De praedestinatione sanctorum and De dono perseverantiae, these works were not exactly what they had in mind. Augustine did not regard the opponents of Hilary and Prosper as Pelagian, much less see the need for conciliar action. Augustine referred to Hilary’s and Prosper’s opponents as brothers in the faith who had yet to progress to the truth of predestination. They needed correction, which Augustine provided, and prayer, which Augustine admonished Hilary and Prosper to make for these brothers. Not only did Augustine disagree with Hilary and Prosper about the dangers...

  12. 6 Servus Ecclesiae (440–455): The Primacy of the Roman Church
    6 Servus Ecclesiae (440–455): The Primacy of the Roman Church (pp. 187-234)
    https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt2852sq.12

    Prosper’s residence in Marseilles ended in 440, when he moved to Rome to serve as an advisor to the newly elected Pope Leo. Once there, Prosper quickly assimilated into the Roman Church. During this period, Prosper came to fully appreciate the role and authority of the Roman Church he had initially held in Marseilles. In Rome, Prosper was no longer a servus Dei, but became a servus ecclesiae, fully and faithfully at the service of the Roman Church. Prosper’s conviction that Augustine’s authority and doctrine of grace were not the measure of catholicity had come about in those years of...

  13. Conclusion
    Conclusion (pp. 235-240)
    https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt2852sq.13

    Prosper lived during a time of cultural, political, and ecclesiastical transitions. The barbarian invasions signaled the beginnings of a new period in the West, and the two defining features of the medieval Church, monasticism and the papacy, grew out of the movements of this period: asceticism and the growth of papal authority. Prosper’s life was affected by all of these changes. He had suffered exile as a result of barbarian invasions to his native land, became embroiled in a controversy with ascetics, and served as an advisor to a pope who helped define the power of the papacy. In the...

  14. Bibliography
    Bibliography (pp. 241-262)
    https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt2852sq.14
  15. Index
    Index (pp. 263-267)
    https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt2852sq.15
  16. Back Matter
    Back Matter (pp. 268-269)
    https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt2852sq.16
Catholic University of America Press logo