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The Politics of Sexuality in Latin America

The Politics of Sexuality in Latin America: A Reader on Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender Rights

Javier Corrales
Mario Pecheny
https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt5vkfk6
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    The Politics of Sexuality in Latin America
    Book Description:

    The city of Buenos Aires has guaranteed all couples, regardless of gender, the right to register civil unions. Mexico City has approved the Cohabitation Law, which grants same-sex couples marital rights identical to those of common-law relationships between men and women. Yet, a gay man was murdered every two days in Latin America in 2005, and Brazil recently led the world in homophobic murders. These facts illustrate the wide disparity in the treatment and rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) populations across the region.The Politics of Sexuality in Latin Americapresents the first English-language reader on LGBT politics in Latin America. Representing a range of contemporary works by scholars, activists, analysts, and politicians, the chapters address LGBT issues in nations from Cuba to Argentina. In their many findings, two main themes emerge: the struggle for LGBT rights has made significant inroads in the first decade of the twenty-first century (though not in every domain or every region); and the advances made were slow in coming compared to other social movements.The articles uncover the many obstacles that LGBT activists face in establishing new laws and breaking down societal barriers. They identify perhaps the greatest roadblock in Latin American culture as an omnipresent system of "heteronormativity," wherein heterosexuality, patriarchalism, gender hierarchies, and economic structures are deeply rooted in nearly every level of society. Along these lines, the texts explore specific impediments including family dependence, lack of public spaces, job opportunities, religious dictums, personal security, the complicated relationship between leftist political parties and LGBT movements in the region, and the ever-present "closets," which keep LGBT issues out of the public eye.The volume also looks to the future of LGBT activism in Latin America in areas such as globalization, changing demographics, the role of NGOs, and the rise of economic levels and education across societies, which may aid in a greater awareness of LGBT politics and issues. As the editors posit, to be democratic in the truest sense of the word, nations must recognize and address all segments of their populations.

    eISBN: 978-0-8229-7371-3
    Subjects: History, Sociology

Table of Contents

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  1. FOREWORD
    (pp. ix-xiv)
    Lisa Baldez

    Gender equality was barely conceivable thirty years ago in Latin America, but the region has since made remarkable improvements in women’s rights. Every country in the region has ratified CEDAW, the United Nations’ Convention to End All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. Every country has passed domestic violence legislation. Twelve Latin American countries have adopted gender quota laws that require that women make up 30 percent of all the candidates nominated for legislative office. These changes and others came about largely in response to women who mobilized to demand more rights amid transitions to democracy. Latin America women still have...

  2. Introduction: The Comparative Politics of Sexuality in Latin America
    (pp. 1-30)
    Javier Corrales and Mario Pecheny

    Political scientists who study Latin America have not been sufficiently attentive to the genesis of gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) politics and tribulations in the region. Few studies on LGBT issues in Latin America have been published in political science journals in the United States. This is not the case in sociology, anthropology, history, and cultural studies, in which LGBT issues have become highly theorized and almost obligatory subjects of study. The inattention to LGBT politics by political scientists seems inexplicable given the field’s preeminent role in studying issues of state formation, citizenship, democratization, civil rights, inclusionary politics, bargaining,...

  3. PART 1: NATION-BUILDING AND HETERONORMATIVITY

    • Male Same-Sex Sexuality and the Argentine State, 1880–1930
      (pp. 33-43)
      Pablo Ben

      Previous studies of sex between men in the late nineteenth and twentieth early centuries claim that repression is the key to understanding the relationship the state and sexuality during this period in Argentina. [. . .] In fact, repression the frequently the central focus of scholarly work on all forms of sexual expression south of the Rio Grande. Intolerance and machismo, or male chauvinism, are frequently perceived as innate characteristics of the region, and indications to the contrary are taken as exceptions to the rule. Within this framework, the existence of a liberal sexual legislation since the mid- to late-nineteenth...

    • Cuban CondemNation of Queer Bodies
      (pp. 44-59)
      Emilio Bejel

      In spite of the universality of the modern concept of nationhood and the obsession of nationalist discourses with claiming a natural essence, the construct of any nation is a historical artifact, discontinuous and adaptable, whose ideology is neither reactionary nor progressive in and of itself. This is why diverse forms of nationality have, in modern history, adapted themselves to liberalism, fascism, and socialism, to peace and war, and to images of the past and hopes for the future, according to the circumstances and formative discourses of each nation. This adaptability and diversity are related to the discursive precariousness of nationalism...

    • Mexico
      (pp. 60-66)
      Stephen O. Murray

      The population of Mexico, the country of 1,923,040 square kilometers immediately south of the United States, recently exceeded 100 million (with an estimated rate of increase of 1.5 percent). Thirty percent of the population is entirely or predominantlyindígeno(Amerindian), sixty percentmestizo(mixed Amerindian and descent), nine percent of entirely European descent (blanco), and one percent other.

      Maize (corn) was first domesticated in what is now Mexico and was the staple of diets in civilizations that rose and fell before the sixteenth-century Spanish invasion—most notably, the Olmec, Maya, Teotihuacán, and Toltec. The Nahuatl-speaking Mexicas (Aztecs) built an empire...

  4. PART 2: SEXUALITY-BASED POLITICAL STRUGGLES

    • More Love and More Desire: The Building of a Brazilian Movement
      (pp. 69-85)
      James N. Green

      The year 1978 was a magical time in Brazil. After more than a decade of harsh military rule, the generals’ demise seemed imminent.¹ Hundreds of thousands of metalworkers, silent for a decade, laid down their tools and struck against the government’s regressive wage policies. Students filled the main streets of the states’ capitals, chanting, “Down with the dictatorship!” Radio stations played previously censored songs, and they hit the top of the charts. Blacks, women, and even homosexuals began organizing, demanding to be heard.

      During the long, tropical summer that bridged 1978 and 1979, a dozen or so students, office workers,...

    • “Con Discriminación y Represión No Hay Democracia”: The Lesbian and Gay Movement in Argentina
      (pp. 86-101)
      Stephen Brown

      Lesbian and gay activism now circles the globe, but it is vastly understudied. Not even the latest syntheses of contemporary social movement theory discuss lesbian and gay movements to any significant degree (see McAdam, McCarthy, and Zald 1996).¹ Even the most important works on “social theory” tend to ignore sexuality (Warner 1993, ix). A lack of activism cannot explain this deficiency, since formal lesbian and gay organizations have existed in the United States since the 1950s, and have become prominent in North America and Western Europe in the past thirty years. During the past decade, many developing countries have become...

    • Sociability, Secrets, and Identities: Key Issues in Sexual Politics in Latin America
      (pp. 102-121)
      Mario Pecheny

      In Latin America, as elsewhere, gays and lesbians have pursued political to redefine their subordinate status. I will discuss the political claims of these sexual minorities, which are formulated in the name of rights as part of the struggle to include issues of sexual and intimate relationships in a broader demand for full and equal citizenship. My central hypothesis is that political practices aimed at the subordination of homosexuality are not limited to the boundaries of formal politics—such as legislation and public policies—but are also carried out in intermediate realms associated with the particular forms of sociability and...

    • Sexual Politics and Sexual Rights in Brazil: A Case Study
      (pp. 122-134)
      Adriana R. B. Vianna and Sérgio Carrara

      Few countries have an image as connected with eroticism and sexuality as Brazil’s. The country abounds with symbols of sexual freedom, depicted in pictures of everything from Carnival and beaches to interracial relationships, transvestites, and samba. However, this representation belies the realities of Brazilian society; beneath a feigned liberalism, the country is deeply affected by sexism, homophobia, and racism, which, when taken together with other social markers, create a reality of massive inequality. To examine the construction of sexual rights in Brazil requires analysis of this contradictory view, while recognizing its local impacts and avoiding traditional stereotypes.

      The analysis of...

    • Puerto Rico and the Caribbean
      (pp. 135-143)
      Linda Rapp

      The islands of the Caribbean are renowned for their pleasant tropical climate. The social climate for GLBTQ people, is not always however, is not always an inviting one.

      Native Americans had already been living on many of the Caribbean islands for centuries when European explorers, beginning with Christopher Columbus in 1492, arrived in the New World. The advent of the Europeans spelled doom for the native cultures. Conquerors massacred many people, and settlers enslaved others. Oppressive treatment and new diseases took a heavy toll. Some Native Americans assimilated into the Europeans’ communities, but for the most part the native peoples...

    • Identity, Revolution, and Democracy: Lesbian Movements in Central America
      (pp. 144-172)
      Millie Thayer

      In the 1970s and 1980s, revolutionary guerrilla movements fought poverty and dictatorship throughout much of the Central American isthmus. In the late 1980s, a new kind of social movement was born in the region. In the space of five years, fledgling lesbian movements surfaced in four Central American countries: Costa Rica (1987) Honduras (1987), Nicaragua (1991), and El Salvador (1992). These movements were a product, in part, of the political and social upheaval of preceding decades; in part they were related to underlying structural changes, to the onset of AIDS in the region, and to the influence of gay and...

  5. PART 3: LGBT MOVEMENTS’ RELATIONS WITH POLITICAL PARTIES AND LEGISLATORS

    • Global Communities and Hybrid Cultures: Early Gay and Lesbian Electoral Activism in Brazil and Mexico
      (pp. 175-196)
      Rafael de la Dehesa

      In 1982, gay and lesbian activists approached the electoral arena for the first time in Latin America’s two most populous countries, Brazil and Mexico. Both elections took place under authoritarian regimes during protracted transitions to formal democracy. While parallel disputes over partisan alliances had bitterly split both movements, two quite different electoral strategies ultimately coalesced. In Mexico’s presidential and congressional races, activists mobilized around gay and lesbian candidates, forging a tight electoral alliance with the Revolutionary Workers’ Party (PRT), a small Trotskyist party that, while electorally insignificant, played an important role in both homosexual liberation and feminist movements at the...

    • Social Movements and Political Parties: Gays, Lesbians, and Travestis and the Struggle for Inclusion in Brazil
      (pp. 197-211)
      Juan P. Marsiaj

      The question of how social movements affect political institutions and, more broadly, promote social and political change has received significant scholarly attention in the recent past. The relationship between social movements, political parties, and the state is a complex one, working inmultiple directions and across different dimensions simultaneously. As outlined in political opportunity and political process models, while social movements can have an impact on other mainstream political institutions through protest action or more direct engagement with these institutions, change in the configuration of the institutional framework may also generate new opportunities for those social movements (and perhaps their opponents)...

    • The Civil Union Law in Buenos Aires: Notes on the Arguments by the Opposition
      (pp. 212-219)
      Renata Hiller

      During its 2002 legislative session, the City of Buenos Aires approved the legalization of civil unions, becoming the first city in South America to grant same-and opposite-sex couples treatment similar to that afforded to married couples,¹ and conferring upon them some social benefits. [. . .] The parliamentary debate that accompanied the sanction of the law offers some keys to understanding the nature of the discourse concerning sexual diversity, the family, citizenship, and the role of the state in politics. [. . .]

      [. . .] We can distinguish different discourses, variously employed by opponents and advocated of this change....

    • Gay Rights in Venezuela under Hugo Chávez, 1999–2009
      (pp. 220-223)
      José Ramón Merentes

      In 1999, when the Constituent Assembly met to debate and draft Venezuela’s current constitution, delegates considered a provision that would prohibit discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation. This provision, however, never made it into the final document.

      The decision not to go forward with the provision seems to have been made almost overnight. According to press reports, representatives of the Catholic Church and other Christian denominations held a meeting with the president of the Constitutional Commission, Herman Escarrá, a well-known Opus Dei member. Escarrá was in charge of revising the final text of the constitution. Following this meeting, the...

    • LGBT Rights in Ecuador’s 2008 Constitution: Victories and Setbacks
      (pp. 224-230)
      Selena Xie and Javier Corrales

      In 2008, Ecuador approved a new constitution granting civil union rights for LGBT people.¹ This constitution replaced the 1998 constitution, which was the first constitution in the Western Hemisphere to ban discrimination on the basis of sexuality. Many LGBT activists called the 2008 constitution a “major step forward.”² Others, however, wonder if the new constitution is more restrictive than the previous one. Both positions are tenable. The 2008 constitution represents both a step forward and a step backward for LGBT rights. The duality of the 2008 Ecuadoran constitution shows, once again, the perils of compromise for advancing LGBT rights. On...

  6. PART 4: THE STATE AND PUBLIC POLICIES

    • Friendly Government, Cruel Society: AIDS and the Politics of Homosexual Strategic Mobilization in Brazil
      (pp. 233-250)
      Eduardo J. Gómez

      Brazil has been repeatedly noted as perhaps the best example of how a government should respond to HIV/AIDS. Since the outbreak of the epidemic in 1981, political elites have been unwaveringly committed to insuring equal access to AIDS treatment and prevention programs while working closely with civil society to insure that services are delivered efficiently. Notwithstanding the recent burgeoning of writings explaining the politics of Brazil’s success story (Gauri and Lieberman 2004; Teixeira 1977; Gómez 2006b; Parker, Galvão, and Bessa 1999), few scholars have considered the vital role that the homosexual community played during this process. The gay community contributed...

    • Sexual Rights of Gays, Lesbians, and Transgender Persons in Latin America: A Judge’s View
      (pp. 251-258)
      Roger Raupp Rios

      The current situation concerning the rights of gays, lesbians, and transgender persons (hereinafter referred to as “LGBT sexual rights”) in Latin America can be examined from various perspectives. These include analyses of the successes and failures, the limits and possibilities, and the levels of formal recognition of these rights by Latin American national states, in an approach pertaining more to political science. Adopting a more sociological perspective, studies can also be proposed to examine the effectiveness of existing rights, based on the degree of commitment by various government institutions involved in their enforcement. Anthropological research can also point to the...

    • Chile: Seizing Empowerment
      (pp. 259-264)
      Tim Frasca

      In Chile in the late 1980s, as in many other countries, approaches to homosexual empowerment sprang from differences of strategic vision. Those more interested in gay emancipation created a sexual-rights workshop and eventually formed their own organization, known as MOVILH, the Homosexual Liberation Movement, in 1991. After a period of consolidation, it went public and caused a sensation, both in public opinion and among homosexuals themselves. Interested gays and lesbians flocked to their new offices [. . .]; fifty people sometimes attended their planning meetings, and several times that number their parties.

      Despite its decision to shun the AIDS issue...

    • Speech of the President of the Brazilian Republic at the Opening of the First National Conference of Gays, Lesbians, Bisexuals, Transvestites, and Transsexuals: Convention Center, Brasília, D.F., June 5, 2008
      (pp. 265-269)
      Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva

      My dear colleague Paulo Vannuchi, special secretary of human rights; my dear colleague José Gomes Temporão, minister of health; my dear Carlos Eduardo Gabas, interim minister of social welfare; my dear colleague Luiz Dulci, minister in chief of the secretary-general of the presidency of the republic; my dear colleague José Antônio Toffoli, general lawyer of the union; my dear colleague Elói Ferreira de Araújo, interim minister in chief of the special secretary for the promotion of racial equality; our dear colleague Nilcéa Freire, special secretary of politics for women; my colleague Marisa; my dear colleague Cida Diogo, president of the...

    • Interview with Mariela Castro on the Future of Sex and Socialism in Cuba
      (pp. 270-273)
      Anastasia Haydulina and Mariela Castro

      Anastasia Haydulina: One day your uncle Fidel Castro . . . is going to die. Do you think his death will change the status quo of your Cuba?

      Mariela Castro: First of all, the death of Fidel will bring great suffering for the Cuban people, and it will be an enormous loss. But as far as I can see, the Cubans are willing to continue on the path of socialism even when our Comandante is no longer with us, even when my father and other forefathers of the revolution are not. Our people want socialism. Of course, we’re very self-critical,...

    • Out in Public: Gay and Lesbian Activism in Nicaragua
      (pp. 274-280)
      Florence E. Babb

      2000: I return to Nicaragua after being away for two years to find the capital city transformed with a new city center boasting hotels, shopping malls, and multiplex cinemas. The movieBoys Don’t Cryis playing, and its story of sexual transgression in the U.S. Midwest is meeting a favorable response, at least among those I talk to in the progressive community. Rita, a longtime AIDS activist and self-proclaimed “dyke,” tells me she wishes all the legislators in the country would see it and expand their notion of citizen rights to include sexual minorities.

      2002: “I’m neither in the closet...

  7. PART 5: INTRASOCIETY RELATIONS

    • The Rationale of Collective Action within Sexual-Rights Movements: An Abstract Analysis of Very Concrete Experiences
      (pp. 283-289)
      Mario Pecheny

      In analyzing the ways in which actors intervene in the field of sexual citizenship, two perspectives of political analysis, which at first appear inadequate for this object, turn out to be quite revealing: game theory and communicative action theory.

      In previous studies, I have approached the topic of political claims for sexual rights and HIV/AIDS prevention and treatment within the context of claims for equal citizenship [. . .] (Pecheny 2003).

      The ways inwhich the identity and sociability of nonheterosexual persons are structured [. . .] have implications on the political strategies of sexual minority movements. These modes of sociability...

    • Sexual Orientation and Human Rights in the Americas
      (pp. 290-302)
      Andrew Reding

      LGBT rights groups occasionally fall into the methodological trap of assuming that all violence directed toward members of sexual minorities is motivated by those persons’ sexual orientation. But like any other persons, LGBT individuals also fall victim to crimes that have nothing to do with their sexuality. In countries with high overall crime rates, one would expect a comparably high crime rate against homosexuals even in the absence of societal prejudice. The only point that can validly be made from aggregate crime statistics, in the absence of specific evidence indicating intent for each crime, is that higher crimeratesagainst...

    • Desire, TV, Panic, and Violence Surrounding the Transgendered in Argentina: The Metamorphoses of 1998
      (pp. 303-311)
      Alejandro Modarelli

      The year that concerns us is 1998. Presidential elections are coming up, and the current administration is beginning to withdraw from institutional power, a move that it assumes will last for a strategically short period. Now autonomous, the city of Buenos Aires has just been won by an opposition which represented itself as progressive, and has designs on the Argentine presidential palace in national elections. Within this political context, some social and cultural debates take place for the first time, some of which concern sexuality. First, the city-province’s new constitution made discrimination based on sexual orientation illegal. [. . .]...

    • Lesbians in (Cyber)Space: The Politics of the Internet in Latin American On- and Off-line Communities
      (pp. 312-333)
      Elisabeth Jay Friedman

      Two women, heads close together, beam at the camera, with a caption in Portuguese that reads, “Stable Union: Luciana and Kátia made their declaration with us! You do it too!”¹ A magenta book cover, illustrated with one Renaissance woman gazing at another, proclaims in Spanish,“Compilation of the Third Competition of Lesbian Erotic Poetry.” Two rainbow-striped, rotating women’s symbols draw attention to announcements about lesbian publications and organizations, separated by rainbow ribbons. In Spanish, the name “GALF: Group of Feminist Lesbian Activists” headlines a page swirling with pastel colors, evocative paintings of women, and twined women’s symbols.

      These images represent lesbian...

    • Gay Space in Havana
      (pp. 334-348)
      Scott Larson

      For decades homosexuals have been viewed as social undesirables in revolutionary Cuba,¹ and even today certain aspects of homosexual behavior can be construed as criminal.² In the past, those who were found “guilty” of being gay were ostracized, stripped of their jobs or social positions, and at times even imprisoned or sent to forced-labor camps.³ Such treatment ultimately led thousands of Cuban gays to flee the country.

      No longer officially demonized for their sexual orientation, homosexuals in Cuba are ostensibly free to live as they wish, and an estimated 4 percent to 6 percent of the country’s 11.2 million ilnhabitants...

    • Divergence between LGBTI Legal, Political, and Social Progress in the Caribbean and Latin America
      (pp. 349-357)
      Jim Wilets

      Recent history in much of Latin America and the Caribbean has been marked by high levels of anti-LGBTI animus, including very high levels of anti-LGBTI violence.¹ Both regions have been characterized by amachistaculture in which gender nonconformity has been widely suppressed, often violently. Nevertheless, there has been a growing divergence between the implementation of LGBTI rights in English-speaking Caribbean countries and Latin American countries. It is difficult to make broad generalizations about a region as diverse and large as Latin America and the Caribbean, but it can nonetheless be generally stated that, with some notable exceptions (El Salvador...

    • The Fight and Flight of Reinaldo Arenas
      (pp. 358-364)
      Rafael Ocasio

      Beginning on April 20, 1980, thousands of Cuban emigrants began sailing in hundreds of small boats from Cuba, to seek greater freedom in Florida. Among them were significant numbers of what the Castro regime labeled “social misfits,” including people with criminal backgrounds and with records of mental hospitalization. The refugees’ major crime, however, seems to have been their desire to leave Cuba for the United States, as shown by the high number of refugees given immediate entry upon their arrival. At the end of a rather chaotic and highly controversial relocation process, Victor H. Palmieri, U.S coordinator for refugee affairs...

    • From Invisible Subjects to Citizens: A Report on Human Rights and Lesbians in Paraguay, 2006
      (pp. 365-371)
      Rosa M. Posa Guinea, Carolina Robledo Desh and Camila Zabala Peroni

      Considering lesbians within the framework of women’s rights willmake visible the diversity among women, who represent half of the population. Analyzing the degree of compliance with international pacts and conventions on human rights ratified by Paraguay demands a reflection on the guarantee (or lack thereof) of these same rights for lesbians.

      A proper consideration of lesbian rights requires addressing, in our current Paraguayan context, not only what are considered“specific” rights—for example, the recognition of civil unions and the right to adoption—but also the obstacles that lesbians face in exercising their human rights within a frame work outlined by...

    • The LGBT Organizational Density of World Cities
      (pp. 372-378)
      Javier Corrales

      This report presents the first-ever index of LGBT organizational density of world cities. The index ranks leading cities according to how many LGBT-owned or LGBT-friendly organizations exist in the most important cities in the world. The data is extracted fromSpartacus: International Gay Guide2007 (Gmünder 2007), a publication that for the past 39 years has been producing a directory of LGBT businesses and organizations in cities worldwide. Billed as the world’s best “international gay guide,”Spartacusis, at one level, a mere travel guide. But it could also be considered one of the few annual directories of LGBT-friendly business...

  8. PART 6: DIVERSITIES WITHIN

    • Political Practices and Alliance Strategies of the Chilean GLBTT Movement
      (pp. 381-386)
      Héctor Núñez González

      [. . .] I cannot begin this essay without recalling, briefly, the thirty years that have passed since the military coup in Chile that overtook the democratic government of Salvador Allende. That September 11, 1973, democracy was repressed, leading the way to a long and painful sixteen years of bloody military dictatorship. Years have passed since the restoration of democracy, but impunity for crimes committed by the dictatorship persists, and memory of Chile’s repressive past seems to fade. It is necessary, now more than ever, to continue striving for and demanding truth and justice. The words “Dónde están?” (“Where are...

    • “The Gay Pride March? They’re Not Talking About Me”: The Politicization of Differences in the Argentine GLTTTB Movement
      (pp. 387-400)
      Aluminé Moreno

      [. . .] Who are the subjects of sexual diversity that constitute the GLTTTB movement of the city of Buenos Aires?¹ Differentiation among participants is based on disputes over the definitions of identity posited by this social movement (based on gender, on sexuality, on social class), and on diverse understandings of the state’s role in the perpetuation of and the fight against the oppression of these subjects. [. . .]

      Existing literature about social movements associates the GLTTTB movement with identity politics (Adam, Duyvendak, and Krouwel 1999, 4–5). This notion refers to a series of struggles during the twentieth...

    • The Feminism-Lesbianism Relationship in Latin America: A Necessary Link
      (pp. 401-405)
      Yuderkys Espinosa Miñoso

      With apologies to my colleagues who have always tried to deny the relationship between feminism and lesbianism, I must confess a real inability to subscribe to any political concept of feminism that dispenses with this link. This is [. . .] perhaps [. . .] personal [. . .] because [. . .] the politics of feminism to which I have subscribed since the beginning, and in which I still believe today, even at this point in the dissolution of the movement, cannot be thought of without the existence of lesbians; in the same way, the lesbian politics that interest...

    • Transvestism and Public Space: Transvestism and the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transvestite, and Transsexual Movement
      (pp. 406-420)
      Josefina Fernández

      The political organization of transvestites in Argentina is relatively recent, in comparison to that of other sociosexual groups, like gays and lesbians. By the 1970s and 1980s, some gay-rights groups already had their own modes of communication on which to rely, albeit in restricted circulation, and in the 1980s a gay-rights group received legal recognition for the first time.¹ Associations of lesbian women, many of whom started their organizational careers within the feminist movement, made their first public appearance in 1987.

      Paradoxically, this history refers to the 1990s, a period in which Argentine society was immobilized, with weak or fractured...

    • “Every Jack to His Trade?”: Power Arrangements, Policies of Identity, and Market Segmentation within the Homosexual Movement
      (pp. 421-428)
      Isadora Lins França

      There are several possible ways to understand the identity-segregated consumption market whose target public includes homosexuals in São Paulo.¹ Transvestites within the LGBT movement, through a protest action directed at gaining access to a sauna that had exclusively catered to the gay male segment of this population, destabilized the foundation on which the homosexual movement in Brazil is based. These events raise questions related to the understanding of the contemporary homosexual movement. [. . .]

      The Brazilian homosexual movement began in 1987 with the creation of the groupSomosin São Paulo (MacRae 1990). The group followed a political strategy...

  9. APPENDIX: TIMELINE OF LGBT POLITICAL LANDMARKS IN THE AMERICAS
    (pp. 429-436)
    Javier Corrales
  10. CREDITS FOR ORIGINAL PUBLICATIONS
    (pp. 437-438)