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Space-Time Perspectives on Early Colonial Moquegua

Space-Time Perspectives on Early Colonial Moquegua

Prudence M. Rice
Copyright Date: 2013
Pages: 360
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  • Book Info
    Space-Time Perspectives on Early Colonial Moquegua
    Book Description:

    In this rich study of the construction and reconstruction of a colonized landscape, Prudence M. Rice takes an implicit political ecology approach in exploring encounters of colonization in Moquegua, a small valley of southern Peru. Building on theories of spatiality, spatialization, and place, she examines how politically mediated human interaction transformed the physical landscape, the people who inhabited it, and the resources and goods produced in this poorly known area.

    Space-Time Perspectives on Early Colonial Moquegualooks at the encounters between existing populations and newcomers from successive waves of colonization, from indigenous expansion states (Wari, Tiwanaku, and Inka) to the foreign Spaniards, and the way each group "re-spatialized" the landscape according to its own political and economic ends. Viewing these spatializations from political, economic, and religious perspectives, Rice considers both the ideological and material occurrences.

    Concluding with a special focus on the multiple space-time considerations involved in Spanish-inspired ceramics from the region, Space-Time Perspectives on Early Colonial Moqueguaintegrates the local and rural with the global and urban in analyzing the events and processes of colonialism. It is a vital contribution to the literature of Andean studies and will appeal to students and scholars of archaeology, historical archaeology, history, ethnohistory, and globalization.

    eISBN: 978-1-60732-276-4
    Subjects: Sociology, Archaeology

Table of Contents

  1. Front Matter
    (pp. i-iv)
  2. Table of Contents
    (pp. v-viii)
  3. List of Illustrations
    (pp. ix-xii)
  4. List of Tables
    (pp. xiii-xiv)
  5. Preface
    (pp. xv-xviii)
  6. Acknowledgments
    (pp. xix-xxii)
  7. Part I. Introduction to Moquegua and Its Environment

    • [Part I Introduction]
      (pp. 1-2)

      The interactions and exchanges that transpire in extended intercultural encounters typically occur in places that are familiar to one party and alien to the other. Familiarity of place derives from the way it is experienced by its occupants and the meaning(s) assigned to it. Places and their meanings, in turn, are inextricably entangled in power relations, and the places in which encounters of colonization are played out are especially deeply entrained in the asymmetrical relations of identity negotiation, politicization, and contestation.

      In the following chapters, I explore such encounters as they transpired in a specific place—Moquegua, in far southern...

    • 1 Moquegua: A Landscape Perspective
      (pp. 3-18)

      Moquegua—more specifically, the valley of the Río Osmore and its tributary streams—has a long history of contacts with, and colonization by, expansionist states. Colonization begins at least as early as the middle of the first millennium of the Common Era, with settlers from hundreds of kilometers distant: Wari to the north and Tiwanaku to the southeast. Later, in the late fifteenth century, the Inkas from Cusco, midway between these earlier centers, made their presence felt in Moquegua. Finally, in the sixteenth century, the Osmore drainage came to be occupied by an alien culture—the rapacious, emergent-capitalist, rabidly evangelical...

    • 2 The “Natural” Landscape of Moquegua
      (pp. 19-30)

      The Department of Moquegua is a small and historically relatively impoverished political unit in the western Andean watershed, in the far south of the present nation-state of Peru. It is bordered by the Departments of Arequipa to the west, Puno to the northeast, and Tacna to the southeast and by the Pacific Ocean on the southwest (see figure 1.1). Moquegua’s most distinctive environmental characteristics are its arid climate, sharp altitudinal zonation, and frequent tectonic activity (Rice 1989). Except for the modern cities of Moquegua and Samegua, the landscape is decidedly rural, its built structures and their distribution a function of...

  8. Part II. Indigenous Spaces and Places

    • [Part II Introduction]
      (pp. 31-34)

      Moquegua’s long history of occupation began more than 10,000 years ago, with the large Ring Site shell mound registering early exploitation of Peru’s productive coastal waters (Sandweiss et al. 1989). But population sizes and densities were low, leaving little evidence of how the landscape was perceived and how (or if) significant places were constructed by its early inhabitants. The valley’s status as a colonized landscape began a millennium before the arrival of Europeans, when its comparatively rich soils and temperate climate meant that it was widely perceived as an attractive agricultural space. Moquegua thus became a distant annex attached to...

    • 3 Late Pre-Hispanic Colonization and Re-spatialization
      (pp. 35-54)

      The Osmore drainage was repeatedly settled by agricultural colonists from distant empires with varied ethnic and linguistic backgrounds. Colonization began in the middle of the first millennium of the Common Era, during the Middle Horizon (MH, ca. AD 500–1100), as the local indigenous farmers (Huaracane tradition) throughout the valley were joined by newcomers from Wari and Tiwanaku (Isbell and Vranich 2004; Moseley et al. 1991; Sims 2006; Williams and Nash 2002). Why did these settlers come to Moquegua, and what imprint did they have on construction of Moquegua’s landscape?

      Wari (Huari), located in Ayacucho, 1,275 km (790 mi) north...

    • 4 Inka Spaces and Places: The Inkas in Moquegua
      (pp. 55-68)

      Sometime in the late fifteenth century, the Inkas inserted themselves into the region that is now southwestern Peru. In contrast to the multiple accounts of real or legendary events of Inka imperial expansion, only one written account is known of the Inkas’ intrusion from the Titicaca basin into the Osmore valley: the 1609Royal Commentaries of the Incas and General History of Peruby Garcilaso de la Vega, “El Inka” (1987a, 1987b: 143–45). According to Garcilaso, the conquest of this area in the Contisuyu quarter of Tawantinsuyu took place under the Inka ruler Mayta Qhapaq (Capac), whose army set...

    • 5 Language and Toponyms
      (pp. 69-88)

      Moquegua’s long history on the peripheries of empire meant that people with varied ethno-politico-linguistic identities colonized the region during the Middle Horizon (MH), Late Intermediate Period (LIP), Late Horizon (LH), and Colonial Period. Whether their presence in Moquegua was forced or voluntary, these colonists and migrants established settlements that came to be known in later written ethnohistories and through archaeological excavations. Although indigenous voices were not registered directly in the earliest Spanish records of their encounters in the Andes (Ramírez 2005: 2), they are heard through toponyms. These toponyms provide twenty-first–century scholars with clues to the occupants of Moquegua’s...

  9. Part III. Spanish-Colonial Spaces and Places

    • [Part III Introduction]
      (pp. 89-90)

      Salient questions in situations of conquest and colonization concern power relations: How was knowledge of an unfamiliar space acquired, assimilated, and strategically applied in imposing new forms of administrative control and social order? In terms of Moquegua’s experience, such questions can be rephrased in several ways: How were indigenous spaces and places (re-)identified by the foreigners and incorporated into Spanish knowledge systems? How were these spaces and places “made, imagined, contested, and enforced” (Rockman 2003: 4)? How did the Spaniards learn about the southwestern Peru region, particularly the Río Osmore drainage? How did they accumulate locational, limitational (ibid.: 4–5),...

    • 6 Spanish Order and Re-spatializations
      (pp. 91-116)

      In Iberia, the centuries immediately preceding Spain’s invasion of the Western Hemisphere were dominated by the events and myths surroundingreconquista(reconquest), the prolonged internal warfare and “wave of advance” colonization that characterized the Christian retaking of the peninsula after its fall to Islamic control in AD 711 (see, e.g., Glick 2005; Reilly 1993). Reconquest had begun almost immediately in the rugged Pyrenees Mountains in the north but required eight centuries of southward crawl for successful completion. Throughout the conflict, saints, the nobility, the Catholic Church, and Spanish identity were deeply entangled through militant, evangelical Christian colonialism and “ethnic chauvinism”...

    • 7 Encomiendas in Moquegua
      (pp. 117-128)

      Spanish colonization of the Andean landscape was implemented through the institution of encomienda, grants of indigenous populations awarded to individual conquerors. These awards began to be made as Francisco Pizarro and his men crossed the northern Peruvian desert and were later implemented with conquest of the south, quickly reaching the Arequipa/Moquegua area. Although the indigenous town of Moquegua was known to early Spaniards such as Diego de Almagro, who followed an existing road through the southwestern region on his return to Cusco from Chile in 1537, this community and the middle Moquegua valley itself apparently never constituted a distinct, named...

    • 8 Torata Alta: From Inka Administrative Center to Spanish Congregación
      (pp. 129-168)

      By the early 1570s, the indigenous communities of Torata and Moquegua were greatly diminished, while Spanish occupation of the confluence zone of the Osmore’s tributaries was expanding. For the Spaniards, moving small groups of natives out of the Moquegua valley and sequestering them in a separate settlement was not only a convenience for administrative order but also an expedient mechanism to free up lands for increasing numbers of emigrants from Arequipa. Thus the Inka-Lupaqa community of Torata Alta became a Spanish resettlement of local indigenous groups. Here I review archaeological and documentary data pertaining to the occupation of Torata Alta...

    • 9 Locumbilla: A Colonial Wine Heredad
      (pp. 169-198)

      Evidence of early Spanish transformations of the Moquegua landscape is evident in the Yaravico toponymic zone in the upper mid-valley. The Yaravico toponymic zone is a large area of high-quality agricultural land on the east side of the upper Moquegua valley, on the south (left) bank of the Río Tumilaca and immediately below its join with the Río Torata (figure 9.1). Historical data suggest that in the sixteenth century, much of this land came to be held by Hernán Bueno viejo and his descendants, and, beginning in the very early seventeenth century if not before, the southern portion of this...

    • 10 Religion . . . and Resistance?
      (pp. 199-222)

      Christian practice in medieval Europe can be differentiated spatially and temporally, a key variable being the role of popular, local cults versus that of the papacy and institutions of the Roman Catholic Church (Weinstein and Bell 1982: 182–91). Catholicism operated on two levels. One was “the Church Universal, based on the sacraments, the Roman liturgy, and the Roman calendar,” whereas the other was local and particularistic, operating in a sacred landscape created from locally venerated “places, images, and relics, locally chosen patron saints, idiosyncratic ceremonies, and a unique calendar built up from the settlement’s own sacred history” (Christian 1981:...

  10. Part IV. Decorative Spaces and Decorating Places:: Andean “Majolica” Pottery

    • [Part IV Introduction]
      (pp. 223-226)

      As explained in the preface, the chapters in this volume explore spatialization—the production and meanings of spaces and places—in colonial encounters. The emphasis is primarily on spaces and places in a physical landscape, both natural (a region) and built, and also on political ecology in terms of the power relations expressed in the use of resources and in commodity production. In part IV, I pursue this latter theme with reference to a particular kind of commodity: tin-enameled (or “majolica”) ceramic wares.

      Ceramics with a glossy, opaque, pale coating, commonly known asmajolica, constitute an important item of material...

    • 11 Transcending Worlds
      (pp. 227-248)

      Majolicais the Anglicized term for a western European fine earthenware ceramic known in Spanish asmayólicaand in Italian asmaiólica. Other terms includefaienceandfaenza(French and Italian, respectively) and delft in the Netherlands and England. The termmajolical maiólicamay have originated with fourteenth- or fifteenth-century Italians who obtained this pottery in trade with the island of Majorca (Mallorca), in the Spanish kingdom of Aragón, and erroneously believed it was produced there (Lister and Lister 1982: vii). Alternatively, the term may arise from a specific ware produced in Málaga² in southeastern Spain (Casanovas 1983: 24; Gavin...

    • 12 Technological Spaces and Transfers
      (pp. 249-280)

      Spanish majolica has a centuries-long multicultural history that spans all of the Old World and combines the refined technological know-how of glass working and metalworking with the ancient craft of making earthenware pottery.² Majolica’s foundations lie in glass making in the Near East where, by the fourth century AD, Persian glass makers had learned that tin oxide (SnO2) was an opacifier: tiny (200–900 nanometers) crystals of the tin ore-mineral cassiterite in the glaze scatter light and thus create an opaque appearance (Molera, Vendrell-Saz, and Pérez-Arantegui 2001: 334; Vendrell, Molera, and Tite 2000).³ By the ninth century, tin, in amounts...

    • 13 Ceramic Spatialization: Southern Styles
      (pp. 281-308)
      Prudence M. Rice and Wendy L. Natt

      Tin-enameled earthenwares, commonly known as majolica or loza, have long been of interest to historical archaeologists working at Spanish-colonial sites. Existing studies are primarily descriptive and classificatory, often for purposes of deriving chronology (Deagan 1987; Goggin 1968; Lister and Lister 1974, 1982; Rice 1997). Increasingly, analyses have focused on chemical composition to identify location of manufacture, but few attempts have been made to either contextualize these compositional analyses within the social and economic background of production in Spain and Italy or to move decorative “styles” beyond art-historical, descriptive characterization. Anthropologically informed stylistic analyses have rarely been undertaken, regardless of where...

  11. Part V. Conclusions

    • 14 Moquegua’s Landscapes, Spaces, and Places through Time
      (pp. 311-320)

      The late prehistory of Moquegua illustrates Henri Lefebvre’s point, inThe Production of Space(1991), that space produces and is produced by power: Moquegua was for centuries a sociopolitically peripheral space of colonialism produced and reproduced by a series of powerful centers located outside the boundaries of the Osmore drainage. No large political centers comparable to Wari, Tiwanaku, or Cusco were ever established in Moquegua in pre-Hispanic times, although the MH Omo colony of Tiwanaku was certainly a substantial presence in the valley. Following the collapse of Tiwanaku and Wari, the middle valley was only sparsely occupied; the demographic weight...

  12. Glossary
    (pp. 321-324)
  13. References
    (pp. 325-366)
  14. Index
    (pp. 367-378)