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Rebranding Rule

Rebranding Rule: The Restoration and Revolution Monarchy, 1660-1714

KEVIN SHARPE
Copyright Date: 2013
Published by: Yale University Press
Pages: 872
https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt5vks6c
  • Book Info
    Rebranding Rule
    Book Description:

    In the climactic part of his three-book series exploring the importance of public image in the Tudor and Stuart monarchies, Kevin Sharpe employs a remarkable interdisciplinary approach that draws on literary studies and art history as well as political, cultural, and social history to show how this preoccupation with public representation met the challenge of dealing with the aftermath of Cromwell's interregnum and Charles II's restoration, and how the irrevocably changed cultural landscape was navigated by the sometimes astute yet equally fallible Stuart monarchs and their successors.

    eISBN: 978-0-300-16491-6
    Subjects: History

Table of Contents

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  1. Front Matter
    (pp. i-iv)
  2. Table of Contents
    (pp. v-vi)
  3. List of Illustrations
    (pp. vii-xi)
  4. Foreword
    (pp. xii-xv)
    Mark Knights

    Kevin seemed to have made such a good recovery from his cancer and appeared so full of life that it was quite a shock that he sunk so rapidly in his final illness, dying without being able to see this book through to publication. Only three months earlier he had flown to Chicago where Trevor Burnard and I were running a summer school. He gave a virtuoso performance to the graduates and early career scholars there. Kevin’s insatiable curiosity about ideas and people fused which his generosity towards those starting out on academic careers; and they were in turn a...

  5. Preface and Acknowledgements
    (pp. xvi-xxii)
  6. Introduction: Representing Restored Monarchy
    (pp. 1-8)

    Throughout the Tudor and early Stuart years, monarchs had encountered both challenges and opportunities in representing their regality. On his succession, Henry VIII had still to establish a dynasty, and after the Reformation had to assert his legitimacy; Mary and Elizabeth shared the difficulty of validating female governance and, for all their different positions, that of ruling a realm polarized by religion.¹ James I had to overcome the obstacle of being a Scot, as well as securing a new dynasty. And yet all these kings, even a minor and queens, were able to draw upon languages, symbols and rituals that...

  7. I Re-presenting and Reconstituting Kingship

    • CHAPTER 1 Rewriting Royalty
      (pp. 11-93)

      In ‘A Panegyric Upon His Sacred Majesty’s Most Happy Return’, the poet Thomas Forde wrote in praise of the king:

      YouConqueredwithoutArms, yourWords

      Win hearts, better than othersSwords

      Flattering Charles’s own sense that he had scripted his own restoration, Forde depicted the royal word as the victor over violence. In his dedication of hisThe Original and Growth of Printingto Charles in 1664, Richard Atkyns appropriated the scriptural text to make the same point: ‘where the word of a king is there is power’.² Talking and writing, however, had had no simple relationship to authority....

    • CHAPTER 2 Redrawing Regality
      (pp. 94-147)

      The visual culture of the reign of Charles II has not attracted much scholarly attention. There has been no major exhibition of the paintings of that age for over forty years, with the splendid exception of female portraits.¹ The last exhibition of Sir Peter Lely’s male as well as female portraits was over thirty years ago, and the last biography of the artist who succeeded Sir Anthony Van Dyck is over half a century old.² As for other major figures in the painting of the age, many like John Michael Wright, Jacob Huysmans, Antonio Verrio, John Riley and William Wissing...

    • CHAPTER 3 Rituals of Restored Majesty
      (pp. 148-193)

      It may seem paradoxical that the reign of one of the most familiar and informal monarchs in British history was also a reign marked by some of the most magnificent ceremonies and rituals of the early modern age. As we shall see, Charles II’s coronation outdid all his predecessors in its splendour; he touched to cure the king’s evil more than any before him; he devised schemes for the building and decorating of grand palaces and stages for the performance of majesty; and he remained a stickler for ceremonies throughout his reign. The paradox takes us to the heart of...

    • CHAPTER 4 A Changed Culture, Divided Kingdom and Contested Kingship
      (pp. 194-222)

      In 1660 what preoccupied the social sphere, indeed the social psychology, of the nation was memory of recent bloody conflicts, or rather memories – different, passionate and contested memories. We have briefly reviewed some of the 30 January sermons that officially enshrined the memory of Charles I and their important role in supporting the monarchy of his son and successor. Memories of the civil war, however, were, and remained, complex, ambiguous and ambivalent, an impetus to both reconciliation and division, and a backdrop to the performance and representation of restored kingship. For all Restoration society’s grasping of the modern –...

  8. II Confessional Kingship?: Representations of James II

    • Prologue: A King Represented and Misrepresented
      (pp. 225-226)

      Every bit as much as Queen Mary Tudor, the image of James II that has passed into history is one crafted by others – by his enemies. While no single work pillorying him found its way into every parish church, as did Foxe’sBook of Martyrswhich indelibly stained Mary, James was systematically demonized as a popish absolutist bent on subordinating English liberties, property and Protestantism to Rome. James II, in fact, entered our history books as the monarch who threatened the peace, prosperity and progress of the nation, as one whom destiny itself had condemned, as it rendered also...

    • CHAPTER 5 A King of Many Words
      (pp. 227-264)

      Though James’s has been a voice and pen lost to history and overwritten by his enemies, it is hard to think of a monarch who wrote so much, and at every point of his reign. As a recent biographer of his early years observes, ‘Among British monarchs only his grandfather, James VI and I and Alfred the Great could come close to matching him in terms of the volume of work produced.’¹ As well as letters, speeches and declarations, carefully crafted, James wrote nine volumes of memoirs that were evidently intended, John Callow writes, as a ‘record … for future...

    • CHAPTER 6 A Popish Face? Images of James II
      (pp. 265-286)

      By comparison with that of his father and his brother, the portrait of King James II is not one that most people today would easily recognize. But if that is the case, the explanation does not lie in James’s indifference to the arts or to visual modes of representation. As Duke of York, James, together with his first wife, Anne Hyde, had been an enthusiastic patron of Sir Peter Lely who worked more for them than for the king. As we have seen, the famous Windsor Beauties were commissioned by the duke and duchess and were hung, according to Pepys,...

    • CHAPTER 7 Staging Catholic Kingship
      (pp. 287-307)

      As well as expressions in marble and stone, palaces were the stages on which the rituals of monarchy were performed. Rituals of state were, of course, inextricably interwoven with religious liturgies and, after the break from Rome, with those of the Church of England. Since Mary’s reign, England had not been ruled by an avowed Catholic monarch. And though Catholic consorts had raised problems – Queen Anne of Denmark declined to receive the sacrament in 1603 and Henrietta Maria refused to be crowned by a Protestant bishop – royal coronations spectacularly presented the monarch as a son and servant as...

    • CHAPTER 8 Countering ‘Catholic Kingship’ and Contesting Revolution
      (pp. 308-340)

      It was this Catholic literature that was countered by a barrage of texts that were (perhaps inevitably given how James had connected them) to turn opposition to Catholicism into direct resistance to the king.¹ Initially, some efforts were made to separate the king from the advance of Catholicism. In a sermon preached at St Giles in Edinburgh and published in both Edinburgh and London, the Selkirk minister James Canaries urged his hearers to trust in the king’s promise to the church while he attacked ‘Rome’s additions to Christianity’ as the superstitious accretions of a false church.² By 1686 the presses...

  9. III Representing Revolution

    • Prologue: An Image Revolution?
      (pp. 343-352)

      Perhaps no historiographical interpretation of a period or reign had such a near monopoly for centuries afterwards as the so-called Whig interpretation of 1688 and the reign of William III.¹ For nearly three centuries, school and college textbooks and popular histories depicted – some still depict – William as the deliverer of the British nations from the popery and absolutism of the Stuarts, as the ruler who secured Protestantism, liberty and property, and as the prince whose reign witnessed the establishment of a limited monarchy and annual parliaments as the bedrocks of a British constitution which became the envy of...

    • CHAPTER 9 Scripting the Revolution
      (pp. 353-408)

      William III has been rightly characterized as a man of action: as a brave commander who led his troops into the thick of battle, narrowly dodging enemy bullets, and a man of daring who did not, as in 1688, shrink from taking risks. We tend not to think of such men as the great orators or writers: actions, the proverb says, speak louder than words. But, as since classical times great commanders have appreciated, leading armies and military enterprises involved persuasion as well as accomplishment at arms. Throughout his youth William had had to struggle politically to attain the Captain...

    • CHAPTER 10 Figuring Revolution
      (pp. 409-448)

      For all that Whig propaganda tried to present it as a continuation, 1688 represented a dynastic revolution. Mary was, of course, James II’s daughter, a Stuart; but William, the effective ruler (to whom Mary always surrendered authority on his return from campaigns), was, albeit the son of Charles I’s daughter, little known and foreign. Indeed, Dutch. Though for long allies in the wars against continental Catholicism, by the mid-seventeenth century the England and Holland were commercial and naval rivals and the Commonwealth government had gone to war with the Dutch. Under Charles II, a Dutch fleet had inflicted a humiliating...

    • CHAPTER 11 A King off the Stage
      (pp. 449-480)

      For all the importance of the representation of regality in words and images, the personal performance of kingship remained vital to the exercise of rule. On ritual occasions, the public and personal bodies of the king became one: the mysteries of majesty were given a human face and the person of the monarch was endowed by ritual forms with the divine authority of the office. If ritual and performance were always essential arts of majesty for any ruler, they were still more vital at times of crisis (such as the Reformation or at the Restoration) or in cases where the...

    • CHAPTER 12 Rival Representations
      (pp. 481-506)

      In any political society in which the image of the government constituted an important element of its authority, opposition to official representations, as well as policies, was (and of course is) inevitable. The more, from the Reformation onwards, that early modern English monarchs projected themselves and represented themselves as divine in words, visuals and rituals, the more opponents and critics contested their image: in pamphlets, cartoons and popular festival or carnival. The English civil war was as much a contest for representation as a military conflict.¹ And, though the Restoration understandably tempered for a time the language of political division,...

  10. IV Representing Stuart Queenship

    • Prologue: Semper Eadem? Queen Anne
      (pp. 509-514)

      Queen Anne has what we now might call an image problem. Today few of us would recognize her image or even be able to pick her out from the portraits of any number of Augustan aristocratic women. Though she adopted Queen Elizabeth’s motto, unlike the Tudor monarch’s her words have not resonated through the ages. After the drama of the seventeenth century, when a succession of monarchs faced the civil war, Popish Plot and the Revolution, Anne’s reign has appeared unexciting, even uneventful. Even those who recognize her twelve years of rule as important in the establishment of a constitutional...

    • CHAPTER 13 A Stuart’s Words: Queen Anne and the Scripts of Post-Revolution Monarchy
      (pp. 515-577)

      William III had made extensive use of declarations to justify his invasion of England and to press his claim to the throne. After 1690, however, he issued no more and a genre of royal representation that had become increasingly important over the course of the seventeenth century lapsed. Queen Anne did not revive it. On 4 May 1702, just weeks after her succession, she published a declaration of war against France. Reciting the treaties that Louis XIV had broken, his retention of Spain and invasion of territories, his designs to overturn the liberties of Europe, and his support for the...

    • CHAPTER 14 Re-Depicting Female Rule: The Image of the Queen
      (pp. 578-615)

      The visual representation of William III had presented a political as well as aesthetic challenge. William of Orange was Dutch and not a legitimate successor. Godfrey Kneller rose to the challenge to produce a state portrait which Oliver Millar judged the most successful between Van Dyck’s 1636 canvas of Charles I and Allan Ramsey’sGeorge IIIof 1762, and which was widely copied, engraved and distributed.¹ The accession of Queen Anne both removed the problems presented by her predecessor and posed new ones. Anne was and insistently represented herself as ‘entirely English’ and a Stuart heir. But she was also...

    • CHAPTER 15 Stuart Rituals: Queen Anne and the Performance of Monarchy
      (pp. 616-645)

      A Stuart, daughter of James II who had maintained her as princess a court, Queen Anne was fully schooled in her youth in the performative aspects of the monarchy. During her lifetime, Anne would also have seen important changes in royal rituals, in the nature of the court and in the representation of regality. After the vitality and gaiety of her uncle Charles II’s court, her father had retrenched spending and reformed moral laxity. Under William and Mary, the importance of ritual, festival and court life had declined as the king was often absent at war, the queen was temperamentally...

    • CHAPTER 16 Party Contest and the Queen
      (pp. 646-670)

      The images and representation of the monarch in early modern England had always been appropriated and contested, even when opposition was considered illegitimate or treasonable. For long, attacks on the monarch’s ‘evil counsellors’ enabled opposition, while sustaining the fiction that all were dutifully loyal to the king or queen. Under the early Stuarts, however, that subterfuge was exposed: by rulers who refused to distance themselves from their supposed ‘evil counsellors’, and by critics who in parliament and in pamphlets did not step back from direct attacks on the king. When those who fought on the parliamentary side in the civil...

  11. Epilogue
    (pp. 671-681)

    Queen Anne’s motto was ‘Semper Eadem’ – ‘Always the same’. It was also Elizabeth I’s motto and, as we have seen, Anne (and contemporaries) often invoked Elizabeth and wore an Elizabethan-style dress on the occasion of a speech to parliament. And yet the distance between Elizabeth I and Anne was even greater than the century that separated them. Things in 1702 were very far from being the same as 1603. Elizabeth had had to deal with contending ministers and factions, favourites and recalcitrant parliaments; but she had ruled England as a personal monarch on whose wishes the fortunes of all...

  12. Notes
    (pp. 682-818)
  13. Index
    (pp. 819-850)