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Metternich's German Policy, Volume II

Metternich's German Policy, Volume II: The Congress of Vienna, 1814-1815

ENNO E. KRAEHE
Copyright Date: 1983
Pages: 464
https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt7ztjfb
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  • Book Info
    Metternich's German Policy, Volume II
    Book Description:

    Using new archival sources, this book shows that Prussia sought not the unity of Germany but its partition into five masses loosely enough joined to assure her control of the North. Hardenberg, not Metternich, supported the feudalistic claims of the estates suppressed by Napoleon and the resurrection of ancient estates' assemblies based mainly on corporate orders.

    Originally published in 1984.

    ThePrinceton Legacy Libraryuses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

    eISBN: 978-1-4008-5573-5
    Subjects: History, Political Science

Table of Contents

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  1. Front Matter
    (pp. i-vi)
  2. PREFACE
    (pp. vii-xii)
  3. Table of Contents
    (pp. xiii-xiv)
  4. ABBREVIATIONS USED IN FOOTNOTES
    (pp. xv-1)
  5. Map
    (pp. 2-2)
  6. CHAPTER I PARIS IN THE SPRING
    (pp. 3-17)

    A CONVENIENT way of analyzing Austria’s basic security interests is to imagine concentric circles with Vienna as their center marking out zones of varying importance to the survival of the monarchy. So long as Bohemia, Hungary, and the Austrian crown lands were intact, the monarchy could be said at least to exist and by the standards of the early nineteenth century to exist as a great power, though not on a par with France or Russia. In this sense the Peace of Schönbrunn in 1809 had brought the monarchy to a bare subsistence level. Beyond this minimum lay territories perhaps...

  7. CHAPTER II PEACEMAKING AND THE FUTURE OF GERMANY
    (pp. 18-52)

    AS Metternich turned his attention from the prospects on the Seine to the vast space between the Vistula and the Rhine, the outlook for a strong and independent center seemed more remote than ever. A voiceless France was better than a vote for Russia but no substitute for the counterforce that Napoleon had once provided. That force must now be supplied by Britain and Prussia, but the former conferred her favors on both central powers alike, and the latter aimed at a European center built more around her than Austria. With France removed from the equation Hardenberg in truth now...

  8. CHAPTER III STALEMATE IN LONDON
    (pp. 53-79)

    “I ΑΜ still destined for adventures that are too great to allow me to expect a moment of repose,” Metternich wrote to Wilhelmina von Sagan several days before departure. “London will be torture for me, and this torture will be followed by a new series of tortures.”¹ If the allusion was to physical exhaustion, to the din and dash of the past months, to the all too familiar jolts of the highway, we can well believe him. A midnight departure from Paris by coach, a meal the next day in Amiens with Hardenberg and Humboldt, who chanced to be there...

  9. CHAPTER IV DRESS REHEARSAL IN BADEN
    (pp. 80-117)

    SEVENTEEN miles south of Vienna, about two hours away by carriage in Metternich’s time, lies the charming town of Baden, entrance to the network of footpaths that follow the Helenental, a favorite haunt of Beethoven and Schubert and countless romantic poets. Famous for its baths since Roman times, the town was a popular summer resort, not so international in character as Carlsbad, say, which was more centrally located in Europe, but frequented by the Austrian court and aristocracy and especially convenient for officials who might commute to the city to keep a hand on affairs. The emperor himself was frequently...

  10. CHAPTER V ALL EUROPE IN MY ANTEROOM
    (pp. 118-143)

    AS HIS carriage clattered through the Kärtner Gate and into the heart of the capital, the forty-one year old minister of state and conference was perhaps reminded of his entry into Frankfurt only ten months before. Here again was a city of noise and crowded streets, the milling of adventurers, drifters, and curiosity-seekers, the sight of hundreds of stalls hastily erected to extract the last guilder from a captive market. Vienna, with a normal population of about 250,000, suddenly in the month of September alone attracted 16,000 visitors, all scrambling for lodging, bidding for scarce goods, and pressing a cause.¹...

  11. CHAPTER VI FROM FORTY-ONE ARTICLES TO TWELVE
    (pp. 144-173)

    UNFORTUNATELY our knowledge of grand policy during the three weeks of procedural wrangling is not matched by the information available on the German question itself. As a result a day-to-day narrative of the soundings, arguments, and decisions is not possible. We know that Metternich spent much of his time with Hardenberg and considerably less time with Marshal Wrede, serving as mediator between the two states most important to his strategy. Wrede of course was eager for information about the Forty-one Articles, but Metternich, who had no desire to cope with Bavarian particularism before everything was arranged with Hardenberg and Miinster,...

  12. CHAPTER VII THE ROAD TO DECISION
    (pp. 174-204)

    EXCEPT for the weather, which held uniformly fine from 15 September till late October, the Congress of Vienna, still unofficial, seemed to have a rhythm all its own, apart from any individual will and indifferent to daylight or dark, Sunday or weekday. Each day had a distinctive character. On some business came to a halt for festivities like those attending the entry of the tsar into the city. Other days seemed, as if by common consent, set aside for plotting strategy, digesting the results of conferences, and drafting papers for negotiations to come. Then there were times when everybody seemed...

  13. CHAPTER VIII THE FRONT AGAINST RUSSIA
    (pp. 205-233)

    AT DINNER shortly after Keller’s departure Metternich told Gentz much about Sagan, nothing about the note that was on its way to Hardenberg officially conveying the emperor’s consent to the Prussian annexation of Saxony.¹ It was a grudging offer, to be sure, dwelling on the bitterness the deed would bring, the one-sided risks to Austrian security, and urging the Prussians to leave an independent nucleus that would obviate the need for finding an indemnity for the king of Saxony.² In return for the sacrifice the emperor expected “the reciprocal support and absolute uniformity of policy between the two courts in...

  14. CHAPTER IX THE FRONT COLLAPSES
    (pp. 234-263)

    WITH the dispatch of another note to Hardenberg Metternich had again reached a resting point whence the next move was up to others. Since the congress was “Europe without distances,” the pause was brief this time, but into it fell two unexpected events that began a process of unraveling all that he had patiently basted together. The first was the British reply to the Russian memorandum of 30 October. As mentioned earlier, Castlereagh, who had not expected a response from the tsar himself, now unwittingly found himself in a direct confrontation with the sovereign. He thereupon had Cooke prepare a...

  15. CHAPTER X THE CRISIS OVER SAXONY
    (pp. 264-298)

    METTERNICH’S note, which reached Hardenberg on Saturday night, 10 December, ignited one of the great diplomatic explosions of the century. Not until Alexander Izvolsky’s impassioned accusations against Alois von Aehrenthal in 1908 was there to be such an outburst as Hardenberg’s frenzied charges of betrayal when he saw Metternich’s counteroffer: not the whole of Saxony, not even the major share, but one-fifth, a mere 432,000 souls from a total of about 2,200,000! “Loathsome times,” he wrote that night. “Metternich’s reply totally unexpected.” The notion of devouring Saxony had become so familiar, observed Gentz, that “all the Prussians and all their...

  16. CHAPTER XI THE GERMAN QUESTION BETWEEN CRISES
    (pp. 299-326)

    THE FIRST conference of the five powers took place on 12 January, Talleyrand attending for France and in the popular imagination appearing triumphantly as the man who has broken an insoluble deadlock and now takes charge of European affairs. This is a misconception. At the meeting he took special pains to be inconspicuous, and though his voice became louder in the coming months, in general he continued this prudent course, conspicuously silent now about the duty of the powers to convene the congress.¹ The Conference of Five deliberated, but it seldom voted on matters not well decided in advance. The...

  17. CHAPTER XII THE IMPACT OF THE 100 DAYS
    (pp. 327-365)

    CONTINUING his reminiscences, Metternich recalled how that morning he hastily dressed and dashed across the Ballhausplatz to inform the emperor, who then ordered him to convey the news to the tsar and the king of Prussia. It was then eight o’clock. In the next hour, striding through the corridors of the Hofburg, he carried out his mission, returned to the chancellery to meet Schwarzenberg at nine and the allied ministers at ten. By this time couriers were on their way in all directions to alert the commanders in the field. Francis, without consulting Schwarzenberg, personally ordered General Count Heinrich Bellegarde...

  18. CHAPTER XIII THE FOUNDING OF THE BUND
    (pp. 366-400)

    ON 23 May, in the morning, the Austrian foreign minister entered the familiar conference room with its large green table to find the other German envoys already assembled. Of the original committee of five the Prussians and Hanoverians were there, as well as the Bavarian envoy, Rechberg. Winzingerode, having failed to convert King Frederick, was absent.¹ The rest were attending their first conference of this kind. Schulenburg and Globig, who had signed peace for Saxony a bare five days before, now took their places alongside their peers from the other kingdoms. The Association of Princes and Free Cities was represented...

  19. APPENDIX A. HARDENBERG’S TEN ARTICLES OF LONDON
    (pp. 401-404)
  20. APPENDIX B. KING FREDERICK’S PRÉCIS OF CONVERSATION WITH METTERNICH, 30 SEPTEMBER 1814
    (pp. 405-408)
  21. BIBLIOGRAPHY
    (pp. 409-430)
  22. INDEX
    (pp. 431-443)
  23. Back Matter
    (pp. 444-444)