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The Chinese and the Japanese

The Chinese and the Japanese: Essays in Political and Cultural Interactions

Edited by Akira Iriye
Copyright Date: 1980
Pages: 384
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    The Chinese and the Japanese
    Book Description:

    Together these essays tell the story of how two highly self-conscious cultures, with long and proud traditions of their own, have defined themselves both with respect to one another and under the influence of the West.

    Originally published in 1980.

    ThePrinceton Legacy Libraryuses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

    eISBN: 978-1-4008-5550-6
    Subjects: History

Table of Contents

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  1. Front Matter
    (pp. i-iv)
  2. Table of Contents
    (pp. v-vi)
    (pp. vii-viii)
    Akira Iriye
    (pp. ix-2)
    (pp. 3-8)

    The Chinese and the Japanese have lived as Asian neighbors for nearly two thousand years. Being geographically so close and yet psychologically quite remote despite their common cultural roots, the two peoples have developed a sense at once of commonality and disparity, interdependence and autonomy, mutual respect and suspicion, attraction and repulsion, and admiration and condescension toward one another. They have talked of their shared heritage and their identity as Asians, but they have not hesitated to seek outside assistance to fight against one another. They have contributed to each other’s cultural and modern transformation, but their patterns of development...

  6. CHAPTER I The Functions of China in Tokugawa Thought
    (pp. 9-36)

    This essay examines some of the central questions posed by Tokugawa writers, especially nativists(kokugakusha),in terms of the functions they assigned to China in their perceptions. Such an examination will disclose something about the kinds of deeper strategies they used to structure their perceptions, and tell us more about Japanese consciousness than about what Japanese actually knew or felt about China. It is one of the ironies of this problem that China faded from serious discourse precisely at that moment when Japanese were in a position to gain firsthand and empirical information about the country.

    The use of China...

  7. CHAPTER II Sino-Japanese Rivalry in Korea, 1876-1885
    (pp. 37-57)

    In 1885 a treaty was signed between China and Japan that allowed them equal rights of military interference in Korea.¹ This ended the first phase of modern Sino-Japanese interactions over Korea. It had begun when Japan attempted to modernize its antiquated mode of relationship with the hermit kingdom. Korean intransigence in refusing to deal with the new Japan had provoked the angry outcry ofseikanronin Japan in 1873,² and resulted in the gunboat diplomacy which forced the Treaty of Kanghwa on Korea in 1876.³ The treaty was an open, formal challenge to traditional Chinese-Korean relations and gave rise to...

  8. CHAPTER III The Chinese in Meiji Japan: Their Interactions with the Japanese before the Sino-Japanese War
    (pp. 58-73)

    During the Meiji period, two kinds of Chinese lived in Japan: mercantile or laboring commoners who were more or less permanently settled there; and elite literati who were temporary residents—diplomats, students, travelers, and political refugees. The second group has received greater scrutiny from historians because it played conspicuous parts in China’s national affairs. This study is concerned with the first group: its unique status and roles in Japanese society during the early decades of the Meiji era preceding the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95, the period when Japan was not yet a full member of the modern world. Like China,...

  9. CHAPTER IV China’s Attitudes toward Japan at the Time of the Sino-Japanese War
    (pp. 74-95)

    So wrote Yi Shun-ting, a member of Governor-General Liu K’un-i’s entourage, in late November of 1894. Replete with erudite invective and suffused with haughty exasperation, this broadside was written in the best tradition of the Chinese literati. It voices the sentiment of the articulate Chinese and represents, colorful language and all, the general tone of China’s views toward Japan at the time of the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95.

    If Yi had been a bookwormish and purblind member of the notoriously conservative censorate, his sentiments would have been understandable. But he was not. Yi’s patron Liu K’un-i was an outstanding regional...

  10. CHAPTER V The Reform Movement of 1898 and the Meiji Restoration as Ch’ing-i Movements
    (pp. 96-106)

    It is generally known that Japan was an important influence on the Reform Movement of 1898. Historians have made clear how the success of the Meiji Restoration provided the reformers with a model for an effective program of national prosperity and strength which included heavy borrowing from the West. Recent work on the Reform Movement indicates that there was an additional perspective from which the reformers viewed Japan and, in particular, the transition from the Tokugawa to the new Meiji government. They understood it as an example of a successfulch’ing-imovement, a distinctly East Asian form of national renovation....

  11. CHAPTER VI Konoe Atsumaro
    (pp. 107-123)

    At 9 A.M. on Saturday, April i, 1899, Shimbashi station was crowded with well-wishers to bid farewell to a distinguished traveler. Konoe Atsumaro, head of the House of Peers and of the Peers School, and founder and head of the recently formed Tōa Dōbunkai, was leaving on a journey around the world. The greats of Meiji political life were there: Prime Minister Yamagata, Interior Minister Saigō, Imperial Household Minister Tanaka, Justice Minister Kiyoura, plus another four or five hundred leading figures from public and private life. The students of the Peers School were lined up inside the station. Prince Konoe...

  12. CHAPTER VII Chinese Leaders and Japanese Aid in the Early Republic
    (pp. 124-139)

    American students of twentieth-century Chinese politics have still not recovered from the shock of Marius Jansen’sThe Japanese and Sun Yat-sen.With its publication in 1954, what had often been dismissed as Japanese propaganda or the cynicism of old China hands hostile to Chinese nationalism became unavoidable fact. Sun Yat-sen, revolutionary pioneer and father of the Republic, had frequently compromised his integrity as a nationalist by seeking foreign, especially Japanese, help for his movement. And he was willing to sign away chunks of Chinese sovereignty, prospectively, to win foreign favor. Subsequent research has, if anything, added to the impression of...

  13. CHAPTER VIII Ts’ao Ju-lin (1876-1966): His Japanese Connections
    (pp. 140-160)

    Sino-Japanese relations in modern times have been turbulent, punctuated with earth-shaking events. The turmoil began with the war of 1894-95 in which the proud Chinese were defeated by their “dwarf” neighbors. Contrary to expectation, the Chinese responded by emulating the Japanese, and droves of Chinese students crossed the waters to study in Japan, to learn from their “brothers” the secrets of enriching the nation and strengthening the army. Over time these returned students became architects of constitutional government, modernizers of education, law, commerce, and industry, and the new bureaucrats of the late Ch’ing and early Republic. In addition, Japanese teachers...

  14. CHAPTER IX An Intellectual’s Response to Western Intrusion: Naitō Konan’s View of Republican China
    (pp. 161-183)

    Naitō Konan (Torajirō, 1866-1934)¹ is generally known to Western scholars today through references to his “hypothesis” on China’s historical development and to his textual studies,² and to many Japanese critics through his championing of “imperialism.”³ This chapter will examine both these aspects of Naitō’s work, with particular focus on his ideas on Republican China.* Central to both is the dominant problem of the times: the weakness of the Asian response to Western intrusion. Any interpretation of Naitō’s work will be flawed if it does not take account of the bearing of this problem on his intellectual development.⁴

    Like many of...

  15. CHAPTER X Ishibashi Tanzan and the Twenty-One Demands
    (pp. 184-198)

    In August 1914 the Great War engulfed Europe. Taking full advantage of the situation which compelled the European powers to neglect the Far East temporarily, Japan acted to secure for itself a commanding position in China in anticipation of postwar international rivalry over the region. Toward this objective, in January 1915, the Japanese government thrust upon its Chinese counterpart the far-reaching Twenty-One Demands.

    With few exceptions, Japanese public opinion approved and justified the Twenty-One Demands. Even when critical voices were heard, they concentrated their attack on the government’s bungling negotiations. The so-called “China experts” of the time shared the general...

  16. CHAPTER XI Ugaki Kazushige’s View of China and His China Policy, 1915-1930
    (pp. 199-219)

    Ugaki Kazushige was an army leader and an important political figure in prewar Japan. Moving with equal ease both backstage and before the footlights of politics in the Taisho and Shōwa periods, he earned the epithet “the mystery man of politics”(seiji no wakusei).His activities extended over the broadest range of political and military affairs.

    He first attracted national attention as the architect of the military force reductions policy of 1922, during his first term as army minister. In 1925 he organized a Sino-Japanese conspiracy, behind Foreign Minister Shidehara Kijūrō’s back, to take advantage of the civil war in...

  17. CHAPTER XII Japan’s Economic Thrust into North China, 1933-1938: Formation of the North China Development Corporation
    (pp. 220-253)

    In November 1938 the North China Development Corporation was founded through special legislation, with capital of 350 million yen half of which was invested by the government. A leading figure of thezaikai,Gō Seinosuke, chaired the founding committee of eightythree members that included such important businessmen as Yuki Toyotarō, governor of the Bank of Japan, Ikeda Shigeaki representing Mitsui interests, Ogura Masatsune of Sumitomo, Mitsubishi’s Kagami Kenkichi, Kushida Manzō, and the governor of the South Manchuria Railway, Matsuoka Yosuke. The founding board also included political figures such as the cabinet secretary-general, administrative vice-ministers from various ministries, and members of...

  18. CHAPTER XIII Toward a New Cultural Order: the Hsin-min Hui
    (pp. 254-274)

    Hsin-min chu-i,or the people’s renovation movement, has long been consigned to obscurity, and today it is but a minor footnote in the tragic history of Sino-Japanese relations, 1937-1945. Yet at its inception, the movement and its parental organ, the Hsin-min Hui (the People’s Renovation Society, hereafter abbreviated as HMH), had an enormous impact upon Chinese and Japanese officials and intellectuals. A movement which counted, according to Nanking’s official estimates, 5,000 leaders and more than 3,643,000 members in 1944 cannot be simply dismissed.¹ Its brief history reveals a desperate attempt by Japanese and Chinese to weave the interests and traditions...

  19. CHAPTER XIV Facets of an Ambivalent Relationship: Smuggling, Puppets, and Atrocities during the War, 1937-1945
    (pp. 275-303)

    Much has been written about the surge of Chinese nationalism resulting from the Japanese invasion in the 1930’s and 1940’s. Often we are left with the impression that China and the Chinese were transformed by a deep and irreconcilable hatred of the aggressor. But Chinese reactions to the Japanese invasion were not of one piece. It is true that some elements in society—most notably the intellectual class—had become strongly nationalistic. In several areas of Chinese life, however, there was an astonishing degree of peaceful interaction with the “enemy.” The sentiments of Chinese and Japanese toward each other during...

  20. CHAPTER XV Chou Fo-hai: The Making of a Collaborator
    (pp. 304-327)

    In their separate studies Gerald Bunker and John Boyle have ably and exhaustively documented the peace movement headed by Wang Ching-wei.¹ In this study the focus is on Chou Fo-hai (1897-1948), the articulate spokesman and “chief of staff” of this peace movement.²

    Wang Ching-wei was a long-time disciple of Dr. Sun Yat-sen and an illustrious revolutionary in his own right. He had a history of rivalry with Chiang Kai-shek for leadership of the Kuomintang (KMT). Frustration and his romantic craving for martyrdom³ could have induced him to leave Chungking in 1938 in pursuit of a different policy toward Japan. In...

  21. CHAPTER XVI Japanese Perspectives on Asia: From Dissociation to Coprosperity
    (pp. 328-356)

    There is no way of knowing what kind of reception the editorial “Datsu-A-ron” (Dissociation from Asia) received when it was first published in the March 16, 1885 issue ofJiji shinfō(News of the Times). Written by that newspaper's editor, Fukuzawa Yukichi (1834-1901), this essay presented the thesis that Japan should dissociate itself from Asia and strive for a status equal to European nations. Other editorials by Fukuzawa appearing around that time were similar in content: “Maxims about interdependence are unreliable,”¹ “Wipe out China and make peace with Europe,”² and “Poland of the Orient.”³ While there is no particular reason...

  22. INDEX
    (pp. 357-368)
  23. Back Matter
    (pp. 369-369)