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Open Borders, Nonalignment, and the Political Evolution of Yugoslavia

Open Borders, Nonalignment, and the Political Evolution of Yugoslavia

William Zimmerman
Copyright Date: 1987
Pages: 168
https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt7zv4k9
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  • Book Info
    Open Borders, Nonalignment, and the Political Evolution of Yugoslavia
    Book Description:

    Zimmerman asks. 'What difference does it make for Yugoslavia's political evolution that it exists in an international environment as well as a domestic one?" Presenting a lucid analysis of the mutual influence of external and internal factors in Yugoslav politics, he pays special attention to the political significance of the one million Yugoslavs who have crossed the country's borders to work in capitalist Western Europe.

    Originally published in 1987.

    ThePrinceton Legacy Libraryuses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

    eISBN: 978-1-4008-5848-4
    Subjects: Political Science, History

Table of Contents

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  1. Front Matter
    (pp. i-iv)
  2. Table of Contents
    (pp. v-vi)
  3. List of Tables
    (pp. vii-viii)
  4. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
    (pp. ix-2)
  5. 1 INTRODUCTION
    (pp. 3-12)

    In the mid–1980s, the era in which the World War II Partisan generation ruled the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was coming rapidly to an end. (Yugoslavia consists of six republics, Bosnia-Hercegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Slovenia, and Serbia; and, within the Republic of Serbia, two autonomous provinces, Vojvodina and Kosovo.) Not only did Josip Broz (Tito) finally die (in 1980) after some thirty-five years as the “first real Yugoslav national leader” [Shoup, 1968], but so too did Edvard Kardelj and Vladimir Bakaric, the two other most prominent Partisan leaders who remained part of the central political leadership throughout the...

  6. 2 INDEPENDENCE, ALIGNMENT POLICIES, AND YUGOSLAV SELF-MANAGEMENT
    (pp. 13-41)

    A major dimension of an independent state’s quest for security is the nature of its ties to other states. Since that is also a central element in what practitioners, analysts, and the attentive public have in mind when they think of a state’s foreign policy, it is also the dimension of a state’s relationship to the international environment that receives the greatest scrutiny. In this chapter I examine the evolving pattern of Yugoslavia’s orientation to states or particular groups of states. Inevitably this entails a focus primarily on the evolving content of Yugoslav nonalignment. A major argument of the chapter...

  7. 3 INTERNATIONAL-NATIONAL LINKAGES AND THE GAME OF POLITICS IN YUGOSLAVIA
    (pp. 42-73)

    Chapter 2 argued that self-management, however variable its content, had been initially adopted largely as a way of distancing Yugoslavia ideologically from the superpowers. This chapter examines the links between the international environment and the game of politics in “self-managing” Yugoslavia. Our concern here is twofold. One concern is the evolution of the Yugoslav elite’s political and organizational strategy for assuring national cohesion in a world of states and, one hastens to emphasize, in an ethnically pluralistic society [LaPalombara, 1975, pp. 305–332; Burg, 1983]. The other is the way events in the international environment, or which are perceived to...

  8. 4 OPENING THE BORDERS: YUGOSLAV MIGRANT WORKERS AND THE INTERNATIONAL MARKET
    (pp. 74-105)

    Chapters 2 and 3 revealed how closely Yugoslavia has paralleled the patterns of power seizure by other “authentic” communist regimes and the extent to which the Yugoslav elite set out systematically to imitate the Soviet model in the years following World War II. The result was a political system that at the time of Stalin’s break with Tito in 1948 had acquired all the attributes of a closed political system. Like other communist elites, Yugoslav leaders proceeded to insulate their citizenry from the world outside their country’s borders. The leadership revealed its low trust in its citizenry and its concern...

  9. 5 GOVERNING THE SEVENTH REPUBLIC AND THE POLITICAL CONSEQUENCES OF OPENNESS
    (pp. 106-131)

    Both economic and political considerations motivated the opening of the Yugoslav borders in the first half of the 1960s and the consequent outmigration of Yugoslav workers—an outmigration amounting, by the early 1970s, to roughly a million workers, or one-fifth of the work force. The total number of Yugoslavs abroad remained basically constant throughout the decade following the stagflation and recession precipitated by the 1973 jump in global oil prices. The result was the emergence, as a basically stable part of the Yugoslav political scene, of a seventh republic with twice the population of Montenegro. Yugoslavs resided in this seventh...

  10. 6 CONCLUSION: INTERNATIONAL-NATIONAL LINKAGES AND THE POLITICAL EVOLUTION OF YUGOSLAVIA
    (pp. 132-148)

    This study has taken, as it were, three “cuts” at the subject of the interaction of the evolution of the Yugoslav political system and Yugoslavia’s international environment. One was at the level of the state itself and pertained primarily to the leadership’s evolving strategies for ensuring the independence of multinational socialist Yugoslavia in a world of states. The second cut illustrated the way external actors and external resources are coupled to political processes in Yugoslavia and influence the evolution of Yugoslav political institutions in ways that structure the game of politics in Yugoslavia. The third level of analysis was that...

  11. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
    (pp. 149-154)
  12. INDEX
    (pp. 155-158)