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Intimacy and Exclusion

Intimacy and Exclusion: Religious Politics in Pre-Revolutionary Baden

Dagmar Herzog
Copyright Date: 1996
Pages: 264
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    Intimacy and Exclusion
    Book Description:

    During the years leading up to the revolutions of 1848, liberal and conservative Germans engaged in a contest over the terms of the Enlightenment legacy and the meaning of Christianity--a contest that grew most intense in the Grand Duchy of Baden, where liberalism first became an influential political movement. Bringing insights drawn from Jewish and women's studies into German history, Dagmar Herzog demonstrates how centrally Christianity's problematic relationships to Judaism and to sexuality shaped liberal, conservative, and radical thought in the pre-revolutionary years. In particular, she reveals how often conflicts over the "politics of the personal," especially over sex and marriage, determined "larger" political matters, among them the relationship between church and state and the terms on which Jews were granted civic rights.

    Herzog documents the rise of a politically sophisticated conservative Catholicism, and explores liberals' ensuing eagerness to advance a humanist version of Christianity. Yet she also examines the limitations at the heart of the liberal project, especially liberals' unwillingness to grant equality to those deemed "different" from the Christian male norm. Finally, the author analyzes the difficulties encountered by philosemitic and feminist radicals in reconceptualizing both classical liberalism and Christianity in order to make room for the claims of Jews and women.

    Originally published in 1996.

    ThePrinceton Legacy Libraryuses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These paperback editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

    eISBN: 978-1-4008-6434-8
    Subjects: History

Table of Contents

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  1. Front Matter
    (pp. i-vi)
  2. Table of Contents
    (pp. vii-viii)
    (pp. ix-1)
  4. Map of Baden in the 1840s
    (pp. 2-2)
    (pp. 3-18)

    Which is more expressive of true Christianity,” the preeminent German liberal Friedrich Hecker asked in 1845, “to leave people’s consciences in liberty or to subject them to spiritual coercion?”¹ Hecker raised this question in a tract demanding that a just-then emerging movement of Christian dissenters be granted freedom of worship and political rights equal to those held by members of the two traditional Christian confessions. He embedded his appeal in a broader call for the full separation of church and state, and Hecker’s own answer to the question was implicitly obvious as he went on to assert that Christianity was...

    (pp. 19-52)

    The grand duchy of Baden was well known to be nineteenth-century Germany’s most liberal state. Ruled (from 1831 on) by an enlightened monarch and his like-minded bureaucrats, Baden was also home to many of Germany’s most illustrious liberal and radical-democratic publicists and activists. The decades preceding the Badenese revolutions of 1848 and 1849 are often described as an era of ever-increasing liberalization culminating logically in the revolutionary years. What most historians have failed to note, however, is that in the 1830s and 1840s Baden was also the seedbed for a politically sophisticated religious conservatism, led by neoorthodox Catholics, and that...

    (pp. 53-84)

    The assumption that German Jews owed their emancipation to the rise of German liberalism saturates German history and Jewish studies scholarship. Although occasionally one or another scholar documents some liberals’ ambivalence or hostility toward Jews, the general consensus that liberals were Jews’ most reliable friends, and that liberal dedication to the Jewish cause was a logical outgrowth of liberals’ commitment to equality and human rights, seems to remain untouched by this evidence.¹ In the introduction to a recent collection of essays on the relationship between German liberalism and Jewish emancipation, for example, Werner E. Mosse commented that in the nineteenth...

    (pp. 85-110)

    In the last few years it has become an established consensus among German women’s history scholars that the first organized German women’s movement had its origins in the religious dissenting movement of the 1840s.¹ The strong support for women’s equality voiced by the dissenting movement’s male leaders, the voting rights granted women by many dissenting congregations, and especially the proliferation of activist and social-service women’s clubs within and alongside these congregations, make this a compelling claim. In Baden, women constituted approximately 30 percent of the membership of the dissenting congregations; elsewhere in Germany women often made up 40 percent of...

    (pp. 111-139)

    The 1840s were a crucial moment in the development of Jewish-Christian relations in Germany. One reason for this was that the 1840s were a period of tremendous internal struggle within Christianity. On the one hand, this decade saw the successful revival of conservative theological trends within both Protestantism and Catholicism, as well as the politicization of this religious conservatism; the calculated deployment of anti-Jewish rhetoric was an important feature of the new religious right’s bid for political influence.¹ On the other hand, specifically in reaction to this rise of neoorthodoxy, the 1840s also witnessed the emergence of the liberal-left Christian...

    (pp. 140-166)

    Although some contemporary feminists insist that women are fundamentally different from men, and that the goal of feminism is to reorganize society in line with “female values,” many of the most sophisticated feminist theorists of the 1980s and 1990s have challenged the “commonsense” notion that differences between men and women are self-evident or grounded in nature. They argue that the meanings we attach to biological sexual difference, and even the very notion of biological sexual difference itself, are preeminently social constructions.¹ But to almost all political and religious activists of the 1840s, no matter what their ideological point of view,...

    (pp. 167-174)

    Developments in 1830s and 1840s Baden reveal that neither secularization nor religious revival were straightforward processes. Instead, the pre-revolutionary era brought an ever-increasing interpenetration of religious and political matters, as religious reformers turned to political authorities for redress of their grievances, as the political left and middle made the demands of religious reformers their own, and as the religious right came to adapt political methods for its own ends and to gain greater influence in political life. Religious conservatism was clearly central to the early emergence of organized political conservatism; by representing themselves as more in touch with “the people”...

    (pp. 175-176)
  13. NOTES
    (pp. 177-226)
    (pp. 227-246)
  15. INDEX
    (pp. 247-252)
  16. Back Matter
    (pp. 253-254)